
l^t^' 



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PL. I. 



The Marau kiva in the south-west corner of the village of Oraibi, showing in 
the centre of the plaza. 



Field Museum of Natural Hlstory 

Publication 156 

AxTiiRoi'OLOGiCAi- Skries Vol. XI, No. 1 



THE ORAIBI MARAU 
CEREMONY 



BY 

H. R. VoTii 



The Stanley IMcCormick Hopi Expedition 



George A. Ddrsey 
Curator, Department of Anthropology 




Chicago, U. S. A. 

February, 1912 



THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY 
FIRST PART 

BY 
H. R. VOTH 



LlBP 



CONTENTS. 



FIRST PART 

Page 
Preface --- .-....- 

List of Illustrations ---------- ...^ 

Introduction - - - 1 1 

Baholawu or Introductory Ceremony - - - - 13 

1. Baholawu of 1894 ------------ it^ 

2. Baholawu of a 898 --... -15 

The Principal Ceremony: ------- j5 

First Day - - - - 16 

Second Day ---..--.. 23 



Third Dav 



24 



Fourth Day -----------..-24 

Fifth Day ------------... 30 

Sixth Day --------------- 33 

Seventh Day ------ 3^ 

Eighth Day - - ""■"--- 33 

Ninth Day 35 



PREFACE. 



Through the renewed generosity of Mr. Stanley McConnick, the 
Field Museum of Natural History resumes investigations among the 
Hopi Indians of Arizona. The services of Mr. H. R. Voth, who has 
made that tribe the object of special studies, have again been secured 
to construct additional Hopi altars and prepare further papers on Hopi 
ceremonies and customs, and to add new ethnic features to the Hopi 
collections. 

This monograph on the Oraibi Marau Ceremony describes the 
second of several extended ceremonies of the women of Oraibi, the first 
one, "The Oraibi Oaqol Ceremony," having been published in 1901 
in the series of papers on the Hopi under the Stanley McCormick 
expedition. 

The profound thanks of the Museum and this Department to 
Mr. Stanley McConnick for his continued generosity are herewith 
cheerfully acknowledged. George A. Dorsey, 

Curator, Dept. of Anthropology. 
Chicago, January' 19 12. 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



FIRST PART: THE WINTER CEREMONY. 

Plate 
I. The Marau kiva - - --' Frontispiece. 

Opposite 
Page 

II. Wickwaya, chief Marau priest -------- 13 

III. a. Tangakweima, chief Marau priestess (formerlyj - - - - 14 
b. Tangakweima, returning from the plaza ----- 14 

IV. a. The natsi on the Marau kiva -------- 18 

b. Navini getting sand - -18 

Y. The Marau altar in the winter ceremony 19 

YI. a. Priestess going to the spring --20 

b. Priestess returning from the spring ------ 20 

YII. a. Priestess offering at the spring ------- 21 

b. Priestess ascending from the spring 21 

YIII. a. Priestess waiting to be discharmed ------ 22 

b. Chief priest discharming priestesses ------ 22 

IX. a. Women around altar ---------- 23 

b. Priestess blowing whistle 23 

X. a. Altar dismantled - - - - - - - - - - 32 

b. Chief priest smoking over prayer offering ----- 32 

XI. Anga-Katcinas 35 

XII. a. Balhikv-Manas and two dancers - - 36 

b. Balhikv-Manas and two dancers showing sun symbol - - 36 



SECOND PART: THE SUMMER CEREMONY. 

XIII. The Marau altar (summer ceremony) ------ 41 

XIY. a. Homihoiniwa, chief Marau priest ------- 45 

b. Wickwaya, repainting idols -------- 45 

XY. Navini, assistant Marau priest -------- 47 

XVI. Women around the altar - - - - 54 

XVII. Priestess with the shield on her back 58 

XVIII. Marau-vahos ------------ 59 

XIX. a. Priestess with the wand emerging from the kiva - - - - 60 

b. Priestess with the wand going to the plaza - - - - ^ 60 

XX. a. Wand priestess in the circle -------- 61 

b. The corn-stalk dance in the mo'-ning 61 

XXI. The two Archers ----------- 62 

XXII. a. Lancers emerging from the kiva ------- 63 

b. Lancers at work ----------- 63 

9 



Illlstrations. 

opposite 
Page 

XXI II. ;i. Arcliers getting meal - 64 

1). Arehers preparing balls --------- 64 

XX1\'. Lancers returning to the kiva ---..--. 65 

XX\'. Wand priestess returning to the kiva 65 

XX\'I. ( )ne of the public dances -,-.----- 66 

XX\'ll. Tlie Rabbit Mother in full costume (rear view) - - - - 66 

XXN'III. a. Dancers returning to the kiva ------- 67 

1>. Marau-vahos outside the kiva 67 

XXIX. Tlie Rabbit Mother in the circle . 68 

XXX. Various ceremonial objects --------- 68 

XXXI. Di.smantling the Rabbit Mother -------- 68 

XXX II. The Pookong shrine - - 69 

XXXIII. The Marau altar in the Field Museum 70 



NTRODUCTION. 



The description of the Oraibi Winter and Summer Marau Cere- 
monies, given in this vohrnie, is the result of several partial observations 
in different years. As the author had to make these investigations 
almost entirely alone, and the ceremonies are sometimes going on day 
and night, it is a physical impossibility for one man to make an ex- 
haustive study of a nine-day (and night) ceremony at one time. But 
such a protracted study of the same ceremony, on different occasions, 
has the advantage to enable the student to make comparisons and to 
not only fill up gaps, but also to corroborate observations made on 
previous occasions. On the other hand, such interrupted studies 
have this disadvantage, that the participants are not the same in the 
various ceremonies, so that certain priests, or other participants, per- 
forming certain particular rites, cannot so easily be referred to by name. 
In this instance, however, the leaders and other principal participants 
were, with a few exceptions, the same in the different ceremonies that 
were observed. 

The Mamzrautu, (Marau Society), is a woman's fraternity and 
in Oraibi has its own kiva, or underground ceremonial and working 
chamber (see Plate I, Frontispiece). But, as is the case with all 
women's societies, a number of men also belong to this order, who 
perform certain functions and control certain sacred objects in all the 
ceremonies. 

As to the meaning of the term "Marau" I am not sure that I have 
been able to settle it, even to my own satisfaction. The chief priest 
Wickwaya ^ (see Plate II) and others insisted, that it was derived 
from a small beetle, maraubiwich-hoya. But just what the origin 
was of the connection between this small insect and a great Hopi 
ceremony, or the reason therefore, he either could not, or would not, 
tell. But the cordial relation, that existed between him and myself 
for years, and the willingness with which he gave me other information 
asked for, leads me to believe that he did not know himself. He 
once told me, with great satisfaction, that years ago, one of these 

1 The chief priest, Wickwaya, whose name is so often mentioned in these papers, has since em- 
braced the Christian religion, and surrendered his position as chief priest in the Marau fraternity a 
number of years ago, his half brother Homihoiniwa succeeding him. The latter conducted the 
ceremony for the first time in 1903. 



12 



Introduction. 



Ix'c'lk'S had found ils \va\' into llio kiva and had Ijtvn flyinj^^ around 
thciv for sonu' time wliilc a eercnionx- was in progress. 

The principal leaders of this cult belong to the Kukuts (Lizard) 
clan, which is related to the Snake and Sancf clans. The ceremonies 
take i)lace e\-ery allcrnate years, one in Januarw the other in Sep- 
tember. l)oth of which are described sei)arately in this paper, the first 
as the winter, the second as the .summer ceremony. They are essentially 
the same, and yet the numerous variations seemed to warrant a sepa- 
rate description of each of them. 

The ceremonies on which this descri])tion of the winter perfomiance 
is l)ased. took ])lace in the years i8q7, iqoi and iqo,:;: — The author 
was then inis.sionary among the Hopi and it was his intention to pub- 
lish this ])aijer in connection with his other papers when he was con- 
nected with the Field Museum, al:)out nine years ago. But for various 
reasons this ])lan could not l)e carried out. In the meantime great 
changes haw taken jjlacc in Oraibi. Strife and contentions between 
the dift'erent factions ha\'e driven a large part of the inhabitants from 
the village. These have started several new villages. This fact 
makes it highl\' ])rol)able. that the Marau ceremony, as well as the 
others, will, in the future, never be the elaborate affairs that they used 
to be in the past. Hence it was thought best to publish these notes 
e\-en though they are not (juite complete and appear somewhat late. 
The existing circumstances in Oraibi make them i)erhai)s so much the 
mr)re valual)le. 

In lonner publications I u.sed the letters and the spelling I had 
used in my linguistic studies on the reservation. For various reasons, 
es])eciall>' to sim])lif\- matters, Hopi proper names and certain words 
will be written as much as ]jossiblc, according to English pronunciation 
in this and t'ollowins/ i)ublications. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. II. 




PL. II. 

Wickwaya, chief Marau priest. 



BAHOLAWU OR INTRODUCTORY CEREMONY. 



First Part 

THE WINTER CEREMONY 

This brief preliminary perfonnance was observed on February 3, 
1894, and on January 20, 1898. The first took place in the Marau 
kiva, the other in the ancestral home of the Lizard clan where Wick way a 
the chief priest, (see Plate II), his sister, the chief priestess, and their 
mother (who had formerly been the chief priestess, her daughter 
succeeding her), were still living and which, of course, he still considered 
as his home.i The introductory Baholawu (baho making), for other 
ceremonies also, frequently take place in the ancestral homes of the 
clan that controls the ceremonies. As these two brief ceremonies were 
four years apart, and one took place in a house, the other in a kiva and 
the details vary somewhat, they will be described separately. 

I. Baholawu, February 3, 1894. 

Wickwaya, chief priest; Homihoiniwa, Assistant priest; Tangak- 
weima, (Wickwaya's mother) Chief priestess; Paelaka, Assistant 
priestess were the leaders. 

When I arrived in the morning Tangakweima had just put up the 
natsi (standard) outside, which consisted of, I believe, six sticks, about 
eight inches long, to which many small hawk feathers were attached, 
and was sprinkling some meal on it, and also some towards the sun. 
The three went into the kiva and built a fire while Wickwaya com- 
menced making bahos. Several bundles of such articles as feathers, 
paint, etc., were lying on the floor. It was quite cold in the kiva; 
Wickwaya only had a blanket around his shoulders. His hair was 
hanging down loose. 

Tangakweima now combed herself and was then sent after water 
and a long stone mortar to rub the paint on. Other women, who 

1 The Hopi considers his parental home as his real home, though he may be married and live 
somewhere else with his family. If you simply ask him where he lives, he usually points to the place 
where his mother lives. The author once had a Hopi who had a wife and si.x children, for three months 
in Kansas. When this man returned he first went to his parents' home, who had already retired for 
the night, had his mother prepare him a repast, related to her some of his experiences and then pro- 
ceeded to his family, to which he was otherwise very much attached. 

13 



14 FiKi-i) .Mrsr.iM or Xahkai, History — Axtii., Vol. XI. 

were to lake pari in ihe ceremony (only a small part of the Marau 
priestesses) now bej^an to come into the kiva, each bringing with her 
and ck-i)ositing near W'iekwaya's para}jhernalia a corn-husk leaf with 
a little meal, a few eagle 1)reath feathers, and a little ball of home- 
made twine in it; this was afterwards used by each woman for making 
nakwakwosis. One or two only had feathers and one or two only 
feathers and twine. 

\Vickwa\'a had in meanwhile linished the l)aho sticks and was 
patiently waiting for the water and the mortar. The sticks he had 
]jlaced into a small tray with corn-meal, with which he had mixed a 
little honey. As soon as his mother had brought a mortar and water 
he ground some black and green paint, and then painted the sticks 
green, the ]:)ointed ends black, and afterwards put a little yellow paint 
on the facet which 1k> had cut out on one end of one of the sticks. 
The women were in the meanwhile sitting around the fireplace warm- 
ing themsehes. 

While Wickwax'a was painting the baho sticks, old Tangakweima 
(see PI. Ill) was sitting at his side in deep silence, only now and then 
it seemed as if she was munnuring a short prayer. 

At a word from Wickwaya all the women now seated themselves 
near him in the north-west corner of the ki\-a and each made six 
nakwakwosis. These they deposited into the basket, one towards 
each cardinal point, and north-cast (above), and south-east (below). 
Wickwaya tied the usual turkey feather, two herbs, a packet with meal 
and honey and a hizzy eagle feather with a cotton string, corn-meal 
(prayer-meal), etc., on the baho sticks, and then took a little honey 
into his mouth and drew the cotton string attached to the baho through 
the mouth and then through a yellow jjowder (corn-pollen), and then 
l)laced the Ijaho also into the tray for a little while. Homihoiniwa, 
the assistant, now made six nakwakwosis and gave them to Chief 
Lolulomais' mother, who was sitting to the right of him. She placed 
them alsf) into the tray from the six different directions. Wickwaya 
who had left the kiva for a little while now returned, l)ringing with 
him two old gourd rattles, and resumed his i)lace. He took a 
little ]jrayer-meal and si)rinkled it on the floor from six directions, 
tlepositing a Httle in the centre. On this centre he then placed an 
old tijjoni (see Plate XXX, d), after having waved it from six 
direc-tions towards the centre. He next handed a little meal and a 
rattle to his mother who was sitting by his left side, also some to the 
woman to his right. He himself took up a mosilili, consisting of a 
bent stick, from one end (jf which are suspended a number of cone- 
shells. 



PL. III. 



A. Tangakweima, chief Marau priestess, later succeeded by her daughter. 

B. The same, returning at the head of the line of priestesses from the plaza. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voxri. 15 

All now were silent for a few moments as if in silent prayer, whcrc- 
ui)on a song was chanted in a low voice, to which the time was beaten 
with the mosilili and the gourd rattles. When the song was concluded 
Wickwaya's old mother said, "askwali" (thanks). 

Two of the women next handed from a small tray a pinch of meal 
to each woman, which they sprinkled from the six directions into the 
baho tray, Wickwaya and his assistant doing the same. Wickwaya 
also sprinkled a pinch of corn-pollen on his baho in the tray. Then 
all women, except Wickwaya's mother and the woman next to her, 
went to the fireplace while Wickwaya and his assistant were smoking, 
blowing the smoke on the tray before them, first Wickwaya, then 
Homihoiniwa, then Wickwaya again. Wickwaya then spurted a little 
honey over the tray. 

Hereupon Wickwaya instructed six women to carry away the na- 
kwakwosis. They arranged themselves in line before him. The first 
received a little meal and the nakwakwosis from the north side in the 
tray and was told to take them to a small shrine northward from the 
village. She took a little honey into her mouth and took a position 
near the ladder. Then the next woman went through the same per- 
formance receiving the bahos from the west side of the tray, and was 
directed to carry them somewhere to the west side down the mesa. 
Then came south, then east, then north-east (above), then south-west 
(below). When all had received their share they left. The nakwa- 
kwosis were offered to the clouds with the prayer for rain. Wickwaya 
took his sun baho to some sun shrine, I think south-east of the mesa. 

This concluded the ceremony in the kiva. In the evening, however, 
a Katcina dance took place in the kivas. On this occasion the Anga- 
Katcina appeared. On other Marau Baholawu days such Katcinas 
as the Eagle, Koyemsi, Dog and other Katcinas, have been known 
to pcrfonn dances. 

2. Baholawu, January 20, 1898. 

Besides the chief Marau priest Wickwaya, there were present his 
mother, his sister (chief priestess of the order), and five other women, 
all of whom took part later on in all the altar performances of the nine 
day ceremony. 

Wickwaya first prepared some green, black and yellow paint; he 
then made one double baho (prayerstick) to be offered to the sun and 
one piihu (road) of an eagle feather, for the same purpose (see Plate 
XXX, i and h). The baho he painted green, the tips black and the 
facet in one of the sticks (the female) yellow. To it were fastened the 
usual two herbs, kunya (Guetteriza Euthamiae) and maovi (Artemisia 



10 l-'ll.I.l) Ml SKIM OF XaH KAL IIlSTORY AnTH., VoL. XI. 

fri^'ida), a turkey feather and a small packet of corn-husk, containing 
corn-meal and honex-, a turkc\' feather and an eagle feather nakwa 
kwosis. He also made five nakwakwosis (see Plate XXX, b and c). 

Each of the women first made one nakwakwosi for the sun whicl 
the>- placed with Wickwaya's baho. They then prepared a numbe: 
of other nakwakwosis, some made four, some five, some six, which the} 
placed on a tra\' to which Wickwaya added those prepared by himsel 
and the others, [\)v the sun. The nakwakwosis were placed toward: 
the north, west, south, east and south-west directions on the tray, th( 
sun offerings towards the south-east, which is very unusual. The tra} 
was now placed on the floor towards the center of the room. On th( 
north-east side of it on the floor was standing the tiponi (emblem 
of the order. All now arrayed themselves around the tra\', Wickwayj 
on the north-east side, to his right his sister, the tiponi standing ii 
front and between them. Then came their mother and then the res 
of the women. 

When all had assumed their (squatting) position, Wickwaya placec 
a handful of meal on the center of the tray and on each pile of nakwa 
kwosis and some meal and a pinch of talasi (corn-pollen) on the bah( 
and nakwakwosis, prepared for the sun. He then uttered a shor 
])rayer, took a mosilili (shell rattle), his sister and her assistant, each i 
gourd rattle, and then all chanted a few songs, I think, three in all 
which they accompanied with their rattles. When the singing wa; 
concluded, Wickwaya smoked a while, blowing the smoke into th( 
tra\'. The women waited in silence. He then took a little honey int( 
his mouth, spurted it over the tray and then handed the contents o 
the tray to five women, each taking with her a little meal and in thei 
mouths a ])inch of honey. One took the sun offering to a jjlacc on th( 
])oint of the mesa south of the village. The others deposited the nak 
wakwosis on the four sides of and a few hundred yards from the village 
While they were g(jne Wickwaya pi;t away the tiponi, ])aints, feathers 
etc., and when all Iiad returned they partook of a meal. In the evening 
a Katcina dance took ])lace in the kivas. 

THE PRINCIPAL CEREMONY. 

First Day (Shusli ka liinnni, once not anything). 

While the chief i)riest and, I belie\'e, also his assistant, usually gc 
into the kiva the prex'ious evening already, smoking, and eating then 
and decorticating some sticks to be used for bahos in the ceremony 
this is really the first day on whic-h ceremonies take ])lace, though th( 
Hojn do not call this but the next day, Shush tala (first day). I have 



Feb., IQI2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voxir. 17 

never been able to obtain a fully satisfaetory explanation for this fact, 
which also prevails in other ceremonies. The answer they usually 
j^ive is that this first day really is the last day of another cycle of two 
times four days, which lies between the introductory ceremony (Baho- 
lawu) and the principal ceremony. In that case the designation "Once 
not anything" would not be intended to say that nothing is being done 
on this day — when in fact in certain ceremonies it is one of the princi- 
pal days — but it would rather refer to the fact that this day, though 
ceremonies often take place on it, has nothing to do with the two times 
four ceremonial days proper. 

The order of the days would then be as follows : 
Our way of designating. The Hopi way of designating. 

First day. Shush ka himtm — Once not anything. 

Second day. Shush tala — First day. 

Third day. Losh tala — Second day. 

Fourth day. Bayish tala — Third day. 

Fifth day. Nalosh tala — Fourth day. 

Sixth day. Shush tala — First day or komok-totokya (wood 

preparing) . 

Seventh day. Losh tala — Second day or pik-totokya (piki pre- 
paring) . 

Eighth day. Bayish tala — Third day or totokya (general pre- 
paring). 

Ninth day. Nalosh tala — Fourth day or tikive (dance). 

During the greater part of the ceremonies only the chief priest, his 
assistant, the chief priestess, her assistant, and six other women, ten in 
all, are present. They perform the regular altar ceremonies. The 
assistant priest, Navini (see Plate XV) who happened to be the same 
in all the ceremonies observed, usually attended to the fire, often 
lighted the pipe, etc. As the other nine were not always altogether 
the same persons in the different years, they will be frequently 
referred to by numbers, shown in the following diagram: 



Altar. 



iS FiKLi) Mlskum or Xaturai. History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

Following]; arc the names of the more prominent men and women tl 
l)articipated in the various ceremonies that furnished the material 
this pai)er. The first ten arc numbered in the order they occu])y dur 
the ceremonies and in case tlicy are referred to by number in this pa; 
this list may l)c consulted. They might be called the leaders, wl 
the chief priest, chief i)riestess and her assistant will sometimes 
referred to as the ])rincipal leaders. Where the participant, named 
this list, was not ])resent and someone else had taken her place it \ 
be so stated. The nvmibers begin with the woman at the left up; 
corner of the altar and end with the riglil uiJiJcr corner. 

1. Pungnyanomsi. 

2. Nakwahungka. (One time another woman occupied her plac 
,S. Talangosi, assistant chief priestess. 

4. Ootchnomsi, chief priestess, Wickwaya's sister. 

5. Navini, assistant chief priest. 

6. Wickwaya, chief ])riest. 

7. Oochawuhti (other name: Kiwanhoynoma). 

8. Nasingyaonoma. 
Q. Oomahepnoma. 

10. Qoyamonoma. 

11. Sikanomsi. (One time acting as assistant chief ])riestess.) 

1 2 . Qoyahongnoma . 

13. Tangakweima, Wickwaya's mother, formerly chief priestess. 

14. Homihoiniwa, Wickwaya's successor. 

15. Ooyawaima, watcher or guard. 

16. Qomaletstiwa. 

17. Lomalehtiwa. 

18. Tangakhungniwa, watcher or guard. 
ig. Xakwahoyoma. 

20. 'I'angakwshtiwa. ' 

On tlic fourth and last day others whose names were not recon 
are jjrcscnt. On the morning of this day a ring of corn-meal is stre 
aroun<l llic ki\-a; the natsi or emblem of tlic Marau Society is f 
smoked u])()n and then ]nit up (see Plate IV, a). This consists of sev( 
bunches of kclchoya, (s])arrow hawk, falco s])arverius) feathers wh 
are tied l)y short, twisted, cotton strings to several sticks which 
aljout eiglit inches long, and which is thrust with the pointed end i 
a roll of dry grass that lies at the south and of the hatch-way. Ev 
priestess wears in her hair two short feathers of this same bird, wh 
arc tied together at the (juill ends, and fastent'd to the hair on to^ 
the head. 

' The accents for ihc proper nuiiies will he yivcn in this list only. 



PL. IV. 



A. The Marau kiva, showing the natsi (society standard) consisting of a bunch 
of sparrow hawk feathers. 

B. Participants in the Marau ceremony getting sand for the altar. 




p 






^ 


\ 


1. 




' 1 


\ 


Ihk. 




\ ' 


■'V 


JL-. . 



K 



\^.J 




FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. V. 




/ 



/ 



PL. V. The Marau Altar in the Winter Ceremony. 

The large, wide slabs represent corn-stalks, the zigzag lightning, the small 
sticks, deceased members of the order. The figurines are the Marau-Manas, (deities 
of the order). Near the ridge stands the tiponi, the badge of office of the chief 
priest consisting of an ear of corn, wound with cotton twine, and a bimch of differ- 
ent kinds of feathers in the upper end. In the foreground is the medicine bowl with 
six ears of corn, aspergills, etc., also two netted gourd vessels, trays with meal, 
rattles, bone whistles and other articles used in the ceremonies. 

In front of the left side figurine stand two "mother tiponies," consisting of an 
old elongated basket, to the top of which are tied long, black prayer sticks which 
have nakwakwosis tied to one end. Behind this figurine stands a small wooden 
cone with a crystal inserted into the upper end. Small wooden frogs are placed 
along the front, and wooden cloud symbols on the rear side of the sand ridge. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votji. 19 

The altar paraphernalia arc brought into the kiva on the morning 
of this day and placed on the floor on the north side of the kiva, where 
the assistant priest also deposits some sand, which he gets in a l)lanket 
from outside of the village. 

In the forenoon the chief ]:)riest makes four double bahos, the sticks 
of which are six inches long and one (for the sun) somewhat longer, 
which he paints green, except the tips, which are painted black, and two 
single bahos which are painted black entirely. He and each woman 
also make some nakwakwosis for the sun and one for each of the four 
world quarters, and Wiekwaya also prepares some nakwakwosis to 
be used in the afternoon.' All these prayer offerings are placed on a 
tray, and some corn-meal and corn-pollen sprinkled on them. After 
the chief priest has uttered a brief prayer over them, and they have been 
consecrated by a few songs, in which all present participate, and which 
are accompanied by rattling, and the chief priest and his assistant have 
smoked over them, most of the nakwakwosis are deposited by four 
women on the north, west, south and east side of the village. The 
woman going to the south side of the village on one occasion also took 
the baho and nakwakwosi for the sun along. The three principal 
leaders, Nos. 3, 4 and 5, then sat dowm on their rolled-up blankets in 
the north-west corner of the kiva where they spent, in the same manner, 
a great part of their time during the eight days when not engaged in 
the performance of some ceremony. Wiekwaya sits in the corner, the 
chief priestess next to him and by her side the latter 's assistant, Sika- 
nomsi, or on another occasion, Talangosi. 

The others, who have not gone out with the prayer offerings, either 
sit and wait or begin to make preparations for the building of the altar. 
On one occasion some of the women unwrapped their mother tiponis, 
while Navini either carded cotton or smoked at the fireplace. 

After a brief rest Wiekwaya begins to put up the altar. He first 
l^laces the sand, previously gotten by Navini and a woman (see Plate 
IV, b), on the floor, forming it into a semi-circular ridge. Into this he 
inserts first the larger slabs and zigzags and then the smaller sticks 
and eagle feathers, and finally places all the smaller objects, the medicine 
bowl, ears of corn, etc., into their proper places (see Plate V). When 
the altar is finished Wiekwaya resumes his place in the corner with the 
two priestesses, the other participants also sitting in different parts 
of the kiva and waiting. At about two o'clock two of the priestesses, 
one of them Pungnyanomsi (No. i), the other Ootchwuhti (No. 7), 
who acts as sprinkler, put on their white ceremonial robes, Wiekwaya 

' These nakwakwosis and the four green and two black bahos were taken by two priestesses to 
two springs in the afternoon, as will be described on a following page. 



20 I'll I.I) Mrsi.r.M of Xahkai. Hisiorv- Antii., \'ol. XI. 

tics; a nakwakwosi, of an eagle feather into their hair, and hands to 
each one the fohowing objects: sonic nakwakwosis, some corn-meal, 
a long buzzard wing feather, a bone whistle, an ear of corn, one l)lack 
baho, two green bahos, and a netted gourd vessel, and sends them to 
two difTcrent springs after water to Ijc used in the ceremony. Follow- 
ing one of the priestesses to the s])ring Lanva (Flute Spring) I was 
enabled to note some details and to get some snapshot photographs. 
At the east side of the spring she stopped, held the prayer offerings 
to her lips and uttered a silent, short prayer. She then deposited the 
two bahos and three eagle feathers and one turkey feather nakwakwosi, 
with some sacred meal, I think in a small niche on the north side of 
the spring. Hereupon she descended to the spring proper, which is 
about twenty feet below the level of the ground, and there, standing 
at the edge of the water (see Plate VII, a), blew the whistle several 
times towards the water. Then she imitated the act of dipping water 
with the whistle four times, with the long eagle feather five times and 
with the car of corn four times, whereupon she filled the gourd vessel. 
She then ascended the steps, taking with her all the objects except the 
prayer offerings (see Plate VII, b). Arriving at the upper rim of 
the spring she cast a pinch of meal from the spring on the trail that 
leads to the village and deposited a "road" and some meal on the 
trail cast of the spring, whereupon she hurried back to the kiva (see 
Plate VI, b), where she arrived in about fifteen or twenty minutes after 
she had left it. Here she waited on the east side of the ladder (see 
Plate \'11I, a) until the other woman returned. The chief priest had 
in the meantime resumed his place in the corner. When they returned 
he met and greeted them, sprinkled first a meal line from the place 
where they were sitting to the altar, returned and took from them the 
small vessel with the water, the long feather and the whistle, and 
placed these objects on the floor at the altar, while the women 
remained seated on the elevated ]jortion of the kiva floor on the east 
side of the ladder, their feet resting on the floor of the deeper part of 
the kiva. The |jriest then stands in front of the women, holding some 
corn-meal in his right, a long buzzard wing feather in his left hand. 
lie sjjrinkies some meal on the feather, hums a song, beating time 
with the feather, waving it slightly up and down (see Plate VIII, b), 
circles it above their heads a few minutes and dusts off the meal towards 
1 he hat(li-wa\'. This he does six times. I le then takes the nakwakwosis 
from their hair and ])laces them with their mungwikuru, and resumes 
his jjlace. llis assistant hands him a so-called cloud l)lowcr, a cone- 
shajjcd ])\\)v, which he (ills witli a certain kind of small, <lr\' pine or 
spruce needles and places it on the floor near the altar. At al)out 3:15 



PL. VI. 

A. Pungnyanomsi going to the Flute spring for water to be used in the cere- 
mony. 

B. The same, returning to the kiva. 




^*' 









. mm I 







PL. VII. 

A. The priestess Pungnyanomsi making her offerings at the spring. 

B. The same, having obtained the water and ascending from the spring. 



Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 21 

p. M. all arrange themselves in a scmieircle in front of the altar (see 
tliagram on page 17). 

The ehief priest rises and goes through the same discharming 
])erformanee as he did before with the two priestesses who fetched the 
water from the springs. The feather he cireles this time in front of the 
altar over the heads of the participants in the ceremony. He then 
unties the nakwakwosis from the hair of the women, and places them 
on the floor in front of the altar, and then fills a smoke pipe with native 
tobacco which he also places on the floor, whereupon he squats down 
in front and about the middle of the altar, Navini and four women 
usually sitting on his left and four women on his right side. These 
ten persons are usually the ones that participate in the ceremonies 
around the altar, and hence are in this paper sometimes called leaders. 
Wickwaya then utters the following brief prayer: 

"Taa, pai pi ita puu yep maksontota; owi ita yep itah mungwasi 
nanapangwani. Nap hakakwat unaywasyat nalo nananiwo tuikaowak 
put akv puma angk ichi palaye ak itamui okwatotwani." 

Free Translation. 

"Now then, we exert ourselves (we are constrained); therefore We 
assist each other (cooperate) here in our concerns (offerings). From 
somewhere the four different ones (referring to the rain deities in the 
four world quarters) may they bring at the right time copious rains 
quickly (to us) taking pity on us." 

Then the first song is begun (see Plate IX, a). Wickwaya beats 
time with a rattle, consisting of a short crook, to which a number of 
old cone shells are tied. His sister and her assistant beat time with 
gourd rattles and the rest with their ears of corn, which they call their 
"mothers." Navini, I think, beats time with a buzzard feather. 
During this song one of the women (No. 8) takes a tray with fine corn- 
meal and rubs four lines on the north, west, south and east wall of the 
kiva respectively, then throws a small pinch of meal against a joist 
over the altar and presses some to the floor east of the altar. Each of 
these acts is performed during one of the verses of the song. 

The second song is then sung, during which the same woman takes 
a pinch of powder of some kind of a berry from a corn-husk, sprinkles 
it along the corn-ear and old makwanpi (aspergill) which are lying on 
the north side of the bowl into the bowl, picks up those two objects 
and holds both of them, point downward, into the medicine bowl and 
then pours some water on them from a netted gourd vessel. After 
having done this she asperges with them towards the altar and then 



22 I-"lKI.l) MrSKlM OF XaIIRAI. lllSlORV AnHI., \'()I.. XI. 

replaces them. This she repeats with aU ihe other ears of corn and 
aspcrj^lls. 

The third song then follows. Another woman (No. 7) sprinkles a 
pinch of corn-pollen, I think, into the medicine bowl from the north 
side and tlien ])icks up an eaj.^le bone whistle, l^ends over the medicine 
bowl and whistles into it (see Plate IX, b) asperging with the whistle 
when she is through. This she repeats from the other five directions. 

During the fourth song another woman (Xo. 3) moves slightly 
forward in a kneeling position, picks up the ear of corn and makwanpi 
on the north side of the medicine bowl, dips them into a liquid and 
asperges. This she repeats with the remaining five corn-ears and 
makwani)is. 

Fifth song. Two women (Xo. 2 and X^o. 10) each take the two old 
bow sticks, the one from the cast, the other from the west side of the 
altar; another woman (No. 7) takes the two sticks with the grass wheels 
from the figurine on the west side. No. q takes those froin the 
figurine on the east side of the altar, and all beat time with these objects 
on the floor. At a certain place of the song they raise them and with 
a sweeping, downward motion they dijj thein into the medicine bowl 
and then asperge with them towards the altar. When they dip their 
objects into the bowl all the others make a motion towards the bowl 
with the objects that they hold in their hands. All this is done six 
times. 

Sixth song. All sprinkle meal on the altar si.\ times at short in- 
tervals. A short interniption now occurs in the singing, during w'hich 
the chief priest takes a ])inch of honey into his mouth, rises and takes 
the large cone-shaped ])ipe or cloud blower and lights it at the fireplace, 
whcreui)on the 

Seventh song is connnenced, during a part of which the chief i)riest 
VjIows smoke from the cloud blower over the altar and especially into 
the medicine l)owl. The woman sitting at his right side (No. 7) 
shakes his shell rattle. 

.1 number of songs, as nearly as I have l:)een able to make out, eight, 
now follow, during which nothing is done except occasional asperging 
by the cln'ef ])riest. Before the 

.\inth song starts the chief priest steps behind the altar, the woman 
at the north-west corner of the altar (No. i ) ' moving forward in a 
kneeling ]josition. 

To her the chief ])riest hands a stick which he takes from the sand 
ridge of the altar, swinging or inoving it along the cotton string road 

' In all ihf ccR-monics, thai I observed, this was Pungnyanomsi. the sister of Chief Lolulomai 
she. as well as her older lirother Shokhunsyoma. is called Kik-mungwi (village chief) and they are 
said to ■ 'own the houses." 



PL. VIII. 



A. Priestess waiting in the kiva for the return of her companion. 

B. The two priestesses, who got the water for altar use, being discharmed by 
the chief priest. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. IX. 





PL. IX. 

A. Priestesses around the altar. 

B. The same. One of the priestesses blowing the bone whistle into the medi- 
cine bowl. 



Feb., igi2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votii. 23 

on the altar and o\-er the medicine bowl towards her, whereupon he 
resumes his seat. The sin^inj^ is then resumed, the woman beating 
time with one end of the stick on the floor. This stick, as well as the 
others in the sand ridge, is supposed to represent one of the dead 
members of the order (as is also the case with similar sticks in other 
ceremonies), and it is believed that the striking of the floor announces 
to the deceased members in the nether world that a ceremony is in 
progress. 

At a certain period of the song, when the word " wawayina " ^ occurs, 
she waves the stick in a horizontal circle from right to left and then 
continues to beat time on the floor. This she does seven times. ^ 

When the song is over all say thanks, the woman holds the 
stick with one end resting on the floor, and all wait in silence. The 
chief priest again steps behind the altar, takes the stick from the 
woman, swings it backward over the medicine bowl and along the 
string road towards himself, and replaces it and then resumes his 
seat. After a short silence he speaks a brief prayer: "Pay hapi ita 
yep maksontota; Owi itah maksoni akvmongwastotini." "Now (or 
well!) we exert (or trouble, constrain) ourselves here. And now our 
exertions shall be consummated," to which the others respond by saying, 
anchaa (be it so). His assistant (Navini) lights a pipe and the two 
men smoke while the women take seats in different parts of the kiva. 

The leaders fast on this day until late in the evening; the other 
members abstain from salty foods only. This same rule applies also 
to the second, third and fourth day. 

Second Day (Shush tala. First Day). 

Early in the morning the natsi is put up again, the women make 
their offering to the dawn, which consists of a little corn -meal that 
they sprinkle towards the east behind a rock, south of the village, the 
two leaders also waving their ears of corn towards the east, whereupon 
all file back to the kiva. The sariie ceremony then takes place around 
the altar as on the previous evening.^ After the morning meal a number 
of nakwakwosis are made and deposited, though just how many has 
not been recorded. The chief priest and priestess, and the latter 's 

• Whether this is an old form for wangwaiyi, call, beckon; or whether wawayi-na, call (the) father, 
or waway-ina, call my father, is the correct etymology could not yet be fully determined. 

- This number seems to be unusual, six times, apparently, being the normal number. Why seven 
times I did not ascertain. But I have observed on other occasions that certain rites were performed 
seven times, where six would have seemed the regular number. Where the words are the same in 
each stanza it may sometimes be an error. 

3 From my notes it appears, that in all the altar ceremonies from this day, except on the eighth 
day, the making of the meal lines on the walls during the first song and the performance with the 
makwanpis and the corn-ears during the second songs were dispensed with. 



24 Imki.I) MrsiaM of Xatukai. IIisiokv Axtii., X'ol. XI. 

assistant aijain fast on this (la\-, catin,i; only late in the evcninj;. The 
others cat but discard all food containinj; salt or salty substances. 

When no ceremonies are in progress the three principal leaders are 
occui)yin<^ their usual seats in the north-west corner of the kiva, usually 
obser\-in<^ dec]) silence. The other women are scattered throut^diout 
the kiva, s])in cotton for the ]:)rayer offerin<(s, gossip and sometitnes 
]jractice the sonjj;s and movements for the public ]Jcrformance on the 
last day. 

TiiiKn Day (Losh tala, Second Day). 

The rites and ceremonies of this day are practically the same as 
on the previous day. I find in my notes for the first time that the 
woman (Xcx 8) who, on the first day, made the four corn-meal lines 
on the four kiva walls, sprinkled a meal line from the figurine on the 
east side of the altar towards the east side of the ladder, also throwing 
a i)inch of meal u]j the ladder towards the hatch-way. But as this 
was re])eatedly observed later on and is usually done in connection 
with women's ceremonies, it can be safcl\- assumed that it was done 
on the two previous days also. My notes of this day also mention the 
fact that not all women were barefooted, and it might be stated in 
general that women do not seem to be so scrtipulous about this point 
as the men. I do ncjt remem1)er ha\-ing ever seen a man wearing 
moccasins during a ceremony. 

I-'ofKiii Day (Bayish taki, Third Day). 

In the Marau Ceremony, as in all great Hopi ceremonies, the fourth 
and the eighth day, besides the first, are considered more im])ortant 
than the (jther days, although in the Marau Ceremony the difference 
between these and the second and third day is not as great as in other 
ceremonies while tht- contrast is \-ery marked as far as the fifth, sixth 
and scA-enth days are concerned. 

During llie eight days, while llie ceremony is in ])rogress, the eight 
women who ])articii)ate in the altar ceremonies sleep in the ki\-a. 
\Viekwa\'a, ihe chief ])riest, who was then al)out sixty x'cars old, also 
slept in the kix'a. In earlier wars his mother (see Plate 111) and later 
his sister was the chief ])riestess. TIk' age of all the women, i)arlici])al- 
ing in these regular altar ceremonies, ranges between about hft\' and 
scvent\- years. All slec]) in their elotlu's when s])ending iheir nights 
in the kiwas. On (jne occasion 1 noticed ihe assistant ])riest, Xax'ini, 
coming in at about six o'clock lo l)uild a fire. About fifteen minutes 
later all got u];, though the women had been chatting and singing 
for some time alrcadv. 



Feb., IQI2. TiiK Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Yotii. 25 

The following is taken from my notes of January 22, iSgy: 

"After the chief priestess had put up the natsi all took their corn- 
car mothers and some corn-meal and slowly filed out to a small shrine 
south of and close to the village. At one place they stopped, held 
the meal to their lips, dropped a part of it on a small shrine and sprinkled 
a small quantity towards the rising sun; they then proceeded a few- 
steps, lined up, held the remaining meal to their lips and cast it towards 
the east, whereupon they returned to the kiva, sprinkled a pinch of 
meal to the altar and replaced their cars of corn on the floor in front 
of the altar. 

Wickwaya filled the cloud blower and ])laced it on the floor for use 
later on. All then arranged themselves in a semicircle south of the 
altar as usual. Nasingyaonoma sprinkled the meal line from the 
altar to the ladder and then the same ceremony was gone through as 
on the morning of the two preceding days. At the conclusion Wickwaya 
and Navini each uttered the usual brief prayer, each woman, one 
after the other, responding, "Paitam ookaoyani" (we shall be strong, 
or firm), the rest saying each time, Owe, (yes). 

Navini then lit a pipe at the fireplace, handed it to Wickwa3-a, 
who smoked at the altar. He handed the pipe back to Navini, who 
also smoked a few puffs from it at the fireplace. Hereupon Wickwaya 
and the two chief priestesses resumed their places again in the north- 
west corner of the kiva. One woman went and got four large, flat 
trays with piki (the typical thin Hopi bread), four small, flat trays 
with some white mush, and four small bowls with what looked like a 
stew containing beans. On top of the piki in each tray was also a 
small cake not over one and one-quarter inches in diameter. These 
cakes the woman, who brought this food in, placed on the floor in front 
of the altar, with a pinch of each of the other dishes of food. 

All present now commenced to prepare many prayer offerings. 
The chief priest made a double baho, which was unusual from the fact 
that its color was light Ijlue instead of the usual green color, and that it 
had a bright yellow band right above the black tips. To it he attached, 
besides the two usual herbs, the corn-husk packet, short turkey feather 
and eagle feather nakwakwosi, a long piihu (road). He then painted 
crosswise two black lines on the four cakes, that the woman had placed 
in front of the altar, and put these, as well as the baho, on a tray. 

It was utterly impossible to determine the exact ntmiber of prayer 
offerings each man and woman now made, of what feathers and just 
what disposition she made of them, as all were working at the same 
time, were not disposing of them at the same place, etc. But the 
following details were noted: Most of the women made some piihus 



2() FiKi.i) MrsF.iM or Xahrai. History — Axni., \'oi.. XL 

and nakwakwosis, six of caj^^k' and six of Uirkcx' feathers, the number 
of ptihiis and nakwakwosis cHrferinL^' with the different individuah 
Each woman handed a jjiihu to tlie assistant priestess; those who had 
a mother lii)oni (see explanation to Plate V), tied six nakwakwosis 
to them, others tied some to the netted gourd vessels and, I think, 
all laid some across the amis of the figurines; one woman placed one 
on the floor, near the fireplace, and those that were not thus specially 
disposed of were ])laced on a tray. 

All now squatted down around the tray; Wickwaya handed to each 
woman a small quantity of sacred corn-meal, the small gourd rattle 
to his sister, the larger one to her assistant and he took the mosilili 
(cone shell rattle) ; the rest held corn-ears in their hands. After Wick- 
waya had spoken this brief prayer: "Pay ita hahlaikahkang pawasio- 
yani" (Now, then, we shall joyfully observe this (go through this 
rite) ), the others responding, "Anchaa," all sang the following two 
songs, the first of which resembles one that I had heard in the Powamu 
ceremonx': 

First soiii^. 

1. To the north. 
Haooow inguuuhuil 0, my mother I 
Haooow haaoo inguuhihuhuil Hao, my mother I 
Takurihi kao, inguu! Yellow corn-ear, m\- mother! 
Itamuhni pichanywatoyaa. " Facedecorate " us (decorate our 

faces) , 
Itamuhni einex'elatoyatel ^ ''Blossombless" us (bless us with 

blossoms) ! 

2. To the west. 

Is exaetl\' tlu' same as the first, only the third line reads: 
Sakwapnliu kao, inguu! Blue corn-car, my mother! 

3. To the south. 
The same, except the third line reads: 

Pawalaha kao. inguu! Red corn-ear, my mf)tlier! 

4. To the east. 
The same, but the third line: 
Qoyawihi kao, inguu! W'liitc corn-ear, m\- mother! 

5. To the north-east (abo\-e). 
The same, but the third line: 
Kokomahaha kao, inguu! Black corn-ear, ni}' mother! 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votii. 27 

6. To the south-west (below). 

The same, but the third hue: 

Tawakchihi kac), inguul Sweet corn-ear, m\- mother! 

Haooo inguuul Oh, my mother! 

Haooo mahahaha! (Meaning obscure.) 

Second soji^. 

I. To the north. 
Hahahaii (repeated several times). 

Hakamu wul inguhuhuu! Why, where is my mother? 

Takurihi, kaoo inguti! Yellow corn-ear, my mother! 

Hakaoowat pichangwa! Someone (clouds) decorate (our) 

faces ! 
Nevelaat akwaahahahai, With blessing (rain), 

Nuyui uiny hihikaaywinatoya. On me have pity, 
Hao inguu! O, my mother! 

Hahoinaa! O, my father! 

2. To the west. 
The same as the first stanza, but the third line is: 

Sakwapuhu, inguu! Blue corn-ear, my mother! 

3. To the south. 
The same, but the third line runs: 

Pawala kaoo, inguu! Red corn-ear, my mother! 

4. To the east. 
The same, but the third line reads: 

Ooyawii kaoo, inguu! White corn-ear, my mother! 

5. To the north-east (above). 

The same, but the third line reads: 

Kokomaha kaoo, inguu! Black corn-ear, my mother! 

6. To the south-west (below). 
The same, but the third line is as follows: 

Tawakchihi kaoo, inguu! Sweet corn-ear, my mother! 
Hahahahai ! 

After the singing Wickwaya again uttered the following prayer: 
"Pai, pi, ita yep puu hakimimuy nalo nananiiwo itanamui, mumg- 
witui amongami yuyuha. Owi ita yep itah unangwasi nanapangwani 



2<S Imii.i) Mrsi;r.\i of Xatukai. IIistokv Amii., X'ol. XI. 

nap hakawal uiiani^nvasyaji; nal(> nanaiwo Uiikaowak;' ]jut ak\- ]juma 
ioh ilannii okwalolowani yokwani."" 

I'rcc Iraiislulioii. 

"Xow, then, here \vc array (decorate), those four different ones, 
(stnnewherc in the four world quarters), ovir fathers, the chiefs (deities); 
llierefore c()6])erate we here witli our offerin.^s. From somewhere, 
ma\-, with their help, the four different ones (the deities of the four 
world ([uarlers) have ])ity upon us quickly, and let it rain at the right 
time." 

Hereupon all <j;ot up, those of the women that had tied u]3 some 
nakwakwosis in corn-husks taking them from the tray and placing them 
on the lloor near the altar. It was now about ten-thirty o'clock in 
the forenoon. 

Pimgnyanomsi now took the tra>' with the nakwakwosis out, l:)ut 
I did not learn where she took them. The women then again made 
man\- nakwakwosis of turkey and eagle feathers. Some again tied 
some to their tiponi mothers. The rest of the ceremonies of this day 
were not oljservcd on this occasion. 

The abo\-e description of the i^roccedings of this day were taken 
from my notes of 1897. The following is taken from my notes of iqoi. 
The two observations overlaj) each other from the time when the 
])articipants prepare the first lot of pra\-er offerings, after the altar 
ceremony, until the conclusion of the brief consecration over this lot 
of offerings, ])robaljly about two hours. But, instead of com])iling 
this ])arl of the notes, it was thought best to give each report sepa- 
rately, first, to avoid confusion; secondly, because there are some varia- 
tions in the ceremonies of the two years. 

Xotes of January 12, igoi: 

When I arri\X'd at the kiva in the forenoon all were busily engaged 
in making nakwakwosis. One woman tied one to one of the ladder 
l)eams as a ])rotection against falling fr(;m the ladder. One or two 
other men had come in on this da\' and also ])laccd a nakwakwosi and 
a ])inch of meal on the floor near the fireplace. A man, (}6maletstiwa, 
tied two roads and one nakwakwosi to a stick which he thrust behind 
a joist of the ki\'a roof as ]jrotection against accidents. Other wonirn 
fastened some nakwakwosis to their mother tijionis again: many 
offerings were laid (jver the arms of the two fetishes. 

The nakwakwosis that were tied to the "mothers,"" were all turke\' 
feathers, those to the fetishes, l)Oth turke\' and eagle, while to tlie 

' Accordinti to one informant this word implies the meanin>j "persuade,"' "urge." etc., instead of 
"at the riKht time," in which case the rendering would be: May from somewhere the four deities be 
persuaded to have pity upon us quiclcly and let it rain. 



Feb., 1912. Thk Oraibi jMarau Ceremony — Voth. 29 

netted gourds eagle feathers only were tied. Pungnyanomsi made 
seven nakwakwosis. Wickwaya then placed some meal on a tray, 
handed some to each woman, meal and rattle to his sister and to Tal- 
angosi, picked up his mosilili, said a short prayer and all then sang a 
number of songs. At the conclusion Wickwaya prayed, all said, "Ask- 
wali" (thanks), and placed the ineal, which they had held in their hands, 
on a tray over which Wickwaya and Qomaletstiwa then smoked. 
Kiwanhovnoma and Sikangonsi tied some nakwakwosis to the mother 
tiponis while Nasinyanoma placed some on hers. After the usvial 
spurting of honey by the singers Wickwaya distribtitcd the nakwa- 
kwosis from the tray as follows: 

Those from the north side to (name not recorded). 

Those from the west side to Talangosi. 

Those from the south and southwest to Qomahepnoma. 

Those from the east side to Nasingyanonoma. 

Those from the north-east side to Nakwahungka. 

These women deposited those prayer offerings towards the four 
cardinal points around the village. Upon examining two of these 
places I found on the west side of the village four turkey feather and 
five eagle feather nakwakwosis, two cakes, and two turkey feather 
piihus. The places on the north and the east side I did not investigate. 
When I returned to the kiva all sat on the floor in an oblong circle, 
making many nakwakwosis, mostly of turkey feathers, for their de- 
parted parents, children and other relatives. All were very solemn. 
These offerings are carried out later in the day and the Hopi believe 
that the dead tie them to a string around their head so that they hang 
down before their faces. 

These offerings were all placed in a large tray, which was set on the 
floor in front of the altar. The usual consecration singing ceremony 
then took place. After a short recess the women went to their houses 
to get food for the evening meal. Qotchnomsi and her assistant placed 
a large bowl on the elevated part of the floor west of the ladder and 
the first knelt on the north, the latter on the south side of the bowl. 
Each woman that brought in some food threw a little pinch of each 
dish into the bowl. When all had brought in their food they arranged 
themselves on the east side of the deeper portion of the kiva and waited 
in silence. Wickwaya took his mosilili and the tray with the nakwa- 
kwosis to the two women and handed a piece of a herb to his sister who 
threw it into the bowl. All the other women arranged themselves 
around their food bowls and trays, which they had placed on the floor 
in the deeper portion of the kiva. Wickwaya now commenced to sing 
and to shake his rattle. The two women added corn-meal to the 



30 Imi.i.i) Mrsi-.iM of Xatiral IIisiiiry — Anth., X'ol. XI. 

contents of the UkxI bowl and kneaded the entire contents of the bowl 
into a douj^h, of which they fonned balls that they put on the tray 
containing all the nakwakwosis which the women had made for the 
dead. The other women accompanied the rattling with singing, at 
the same time m()\-ing their hands upwards and downwards and side- 
ways, and slowly stepping sideways in the same manner as on the last 
day in the juiblic dance, when, however, they hold in their hands the 
large marau-vahos.' Wickwaya then distributed the balls with some 
meal to four wonien, one of whom went to the north, the second to the 
west, the third to the south and the fourth to the east side of the village, 
and from there described, in a running gate, a quarter circle around 
the village, throwing away the balls as food and the nakwakwosis as 
an offering to the dead and stopping at the place where the next woman 
had started. Upon their return they all ate supper in the kiva, and 
then spent the evening partly in the kiva, partly in their homes. While 
AVickwaya distributed the balls to the women the chief j^riestess and 
her assistant, who had prepared the balls, retired to the north side of 
the altar, w^here they went through the often observed purification 
process of vomiting. It was not noticed that they had pre\-iously 
taken an emetic, but very likely they had. Three more women and 
one man, Lomalehtiwa, had come in. The latter tended to the fire 
at the fireplace. Among the first was also the wife of Homihoiniwa, 
Wickwaya's half-brother, who was to ]jla\' a conspicuous ]jart in the 
|)ublie summer ceremonies of the last day, acting as the Rabbit Woman. 
Most of the time from the evening meal until midnight was spent in 
conversation, practicing of songs, etc. 

Fifth D.\y (Xalosh tala. Fourth Day). 

Xotcs of January 13, iqoi. — The men and women participating 
in the ceremony were up all night betw^een the fourth and fifth day. 
So the descrijition of this day's proceedings begins with twelve o'clock 
of this night. Soon after midnight the women arranged thems(>lves 
in an olilong circle in the deei)er jioriion of the kiva and for nearly an 
hour ])raeticed singing and the ])roper nio\-ing and swinging of their 
anns to the time of the singing, for tlie ]jul)lie ijerfonnances. h^ach 
one held in one hand a white ear of corn, which they call "mother." 
The three leaders were, during tliis lime, silting silently at their usual 
places. 

At al)Out two o'clock a. m. two more men, Ooyawaima and Tangak- 

' When the word baho (prayer stick) is used as part of compound words, the b changes to v, as 
in sakwa-vaho (^roen b.aho) puts-vaho (flat or wide baho), etc. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony- — Voth. 31 

hungniwa, both of whom, I behcve, belong to the Honani clan, were 
called to act as guards outside of the kiva. In the kiva the usual 
singing ceremony at the altar took place again. Each woman l^eat 
time with an ear of corn. When they were through each one said 
again: "Pai itam ookaoyani" (We shall be firm, (steadfast) ) and 
then sprinkled meal on the altar. Hereupon they all arose, and each 
one rolled her ear of corn into her blanket, bringing one end of the 
rolled-up blanket over her right, the other end under her left shoulder, 
tying the two ends in front. 

Every woman now took some loose object from the altar and all 
then walked slowly around the altar. Wickwaya pulled out the short 
sticks from the sand ridge, one after the other, and thrust one behind 
the rolled-up blanket on the back of each woman when the>' passed 
him the first time. These sticks are said to represent the dead members 
of the Marau order. ^ While they made the second, third and fourth 
round he dismantled what was left of the altar. 

While all this was going on the chief priestess was standing in her 
corner, holding in her hand the tiponi, which is probably the most 
sacred object among the altar paraphernalia. Her assistant had a 
netted gourd vessel. Pungnyanomsi took the tray with the sacred 
meal and her gourd vessel. When the women had made the circuit 
the fourth time, the last named woman went up the ladder, the other 
women following her, the chief priestess being the last woman in the 
line. Wickwaya followed his sister, closing up the file. All chanted 
while they filed out. Pungnyanomsi took a seat on the south end of 
the hatch-wa>', outside, and gave to each woman a pinch of meal from 
the tray, which the women sprinkled on a piihvi feather which was 
lying on the south side of the kiva pointing towards the east. They 
then went to the north end of the hatch-way, where they waited until 
all were through. Pungnyanomsi then entered the kiva again and 
the rest followed. Here they placed the objects, which they had held 
in their hands, on the floor and then a general conversation took place 
by the women, the men sitting at the fireplace and smoking. Shortly 
before sunrise bowls were brought in, suds of the roots of yucca pre- 
pared; and then the usual headwashing, which forms a part of almost 
all ceremonies, took place. Usually one washes the head of another. 
Wickwaya's sister washed his head. If any have "brought in" for 
initiation new candidates they wash the head of their novices and 
give them a new name on these occasions, though my notes do not 
mention any initiation during these winter Marau ceremonies. Whether 

' The same explanation was given me once with regard to the sticks on the Antelope altar in 
The Snake Ceremony. 



32 FiKi.i) MusKiM OF Natural History — Anth., \'oi.. XI. 

there happened lo he none or whether initiations^ are not made during 
the winter eeremonies I (hd not ascertain. 

Nothing of importance occurred from now until after the noon 
meal, in fact no further regular ceremonies took j^lacc on this day. 
The women conversed, went back and forth between the kiva and their 
liomes and some were sleeping on the floor. After breakfast Wickwaya 
got some firewood from the \-alley. Navini was not there at all. The 
altar was com])letely dismantled, the ])ara]jhernalia lying on the floor 
(see Plate X, a). 

In the afternoon the women assembled again to arrange and ])ractice 
for a ])u]:)lic perfonnance on the plaza at about sundown. It was soon 
to Vjc noticed that the performance was to be of a comical nature. 
The women were attired in all kinds of ludicrous costumes. The chief 
]jriestess, for instance, had donned a man's overcoat and hat; two wore 
men's blankets, held in their place with men's silver belts, and had on 
men's hats; one was wrapped in a Navaho blanket, wearing an old 
soldier ca]). A fifth one had a Ijlue American blanket wrapped around 
herself; on her head she had an old, big, man's straw hat with two 
eagle feathers in it; a sixth one had put on a man's shirt, and the rest 
were similarly attired. Some had corn-husks tied to their hair. 

The songs were evidenth' composed right there; each one referred 
to some man of the \'illage in a htmiorous wa\', of course. This is 
called tao-somngwu, a word difiicult to translate. A literal transla- 
tion would be "song-tie"; meaning to bind, compel or obligate by a 
song. The man about whom the song is sung on the plaza is bound in 
honcjr to make some ]jresents to the order. It is surprising how quickly 
the women get a song read\', thoitgh there may l)e some ciuestion as to 
its ])oetieal value. 

Towards simdown the women emerged from the kiva. Those 
outside sang until all had come out. They then proceeded to the i^laza, 
the one at the head of the line beating a small drvnn. Some had long 
sticks with feathers attached to them. At the plaza the\- perfonned 
various dances. Sometimes two danced, sometimes more. Their 
Ijerformances and singing caused a great deal of hilarit\- among the 
sjK'ctators that line the house-tops, stejis and ei)])ings, especially when 
the names of the men are mentioned that are being "song-tied." 
'I'he names are generallx' mentioned in a lunnorous way, reference 
being made to some real or imagined i)eeuliarit\- of the man, a long nose, 
curly hair (though it be only slightly wa\\), etc. Occasionally the 
reference is of a ])hallie or cv^n of an obscene naltn-e. The perfonnance 
probaV)ly lasts aboiil an liour, when the women return to the kiva 
commenting on and lau>jliing o\-er their achiexcmenls. Nothing more 



PL. X. 

A. The altar dismantled. 

B. The chief priest smoking over prayer offerings. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. X. 




Feb., IQI2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — VoTir. t,t, 

of importance takes place on this day. There is no fastinji; on this 
and the succeeding four days. 

Sixth Day (Shush tala, First Day). 
Komok-totokya (wood preparing). 
No ceremonies of any kind take place in the kiva, but in the after- 
noon the women again prepare and practice for a performance on the 
plaza in the evening. These performances vary in the different years. 
Sometimes they are of the nature described under the fifth day, some- 
times they are to imitate, in a burlesque manner, a Katcina dance. But 
they are always of a humorous nature. 

Seventh Day (Losh tala. Second Day). 
Pik-totokya (piki preparing). 
The notes on the previous day also apply to this day. On one 
occasion a mock Momchito dance was performed in the evening on the 
plaza. The men never take part in these performances on the fifth, 
sixth and seventh days. They seem to be performed for entertainment 
and fun for the inhabitants of the village, and do not now seem to be 
considered an essential part of the ceremony proper, though this was 
undoubtedly formerly the case. 

Eighth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). 
Totokya (general preparing). 

The early morning rites, putting up of the natsi, the offerings out- 
side of the village, etc., are the same as on the previous days. The 
chief priest then makes four green double bahos of the usual kind, two 
single black bahos (chochokpi) and one larger baho, with two eagle 
nakwakw^osis attached to it, one for the sun, one for the moon, all of 
which are deposited later (see Plate XXX). The reconstruction of 
the altar then takes place in the description of which I follow my 
notes of 1897: 

At about 10:30 A. M. Navini got some fresh, moist and some dry sand, 
and Wickwaya divided this into three piles in a semicircle, and then 
formed the sand ridge. He then reconstructed the altar (see Plate V 
and Plate X, b). First he sprinkled some meal on the ridge at the 
four places where he afterwards inserted the four corn-ear slabs, first 
slightly west of the centre, then near the west end of the ridge, then 
east of the middle and lastly near the east end. He then put into the 
sand ridge the four big slabs in the same order, waving each one first 
from the direction of the six world quarters, north, west, south, east, 
north-east (above) and south-west (below). Next he sprinkled meal 



34 Fii'-i-i) Mi'si:i;m of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

all over the ridjj;c and fine dry sand in front of it. On this he sprinkled 
a cloud symbol ^\'ith ])o\vdered black shale (tohu). Next he sprinkled 
six short meal lines from the six ceremonial points, all temiinating in a 
common centre, at the east end of the sand ridj^^e. On these he poured 
a small pile of dry sand into which he inserted one of the Alarau-Manas 
(fij^urines) . He then did the same at the west end of the ridge where 
he placed the other figurine. He then replaced the nakwakwosis that 
were on the anns of the figurines before the altar ^^•as dismantled. 
Next he put the five cone-shaped, flat cloud blocks behind the altar 
ridge and the two blossoin blocks and the three frogs in front of it. 
This he followed by placing the crystal tiponi (tukwi) into a small 
sand pile. Hereupon he again sprinkled six short meal lines on the 
floor from the six directions in front of the altar, and placed upon these 
the medicine bowl, six corn-ears, makwanpis, etc. He then laid the 
double sticks with the grass wheels into the anns of the figurines,' 
and then thrust the crooks into the sand ridge near the baho slab on 
the west side. From this he sprinkled a line of corn-pollen across the 
sand field towards the south-east, then thrust the double green baho 
with the long string (road) into the ridge near the crook, laying the 
string along the line of corn-pollen. Hereupon he sprinkled the usual 
six radiating meal lines on the floor again near the baho and placed 
his tiponi in the centre and then sprinkled meal along the string road. 
Finalh' he laid two, slightly bent, sticks, called bows and a weeding 
instrument on the floor on the west and two similar bow sticks and an 
old wooden weeding implement on the east side of the altar. Here- 
upon he and Navini sinoked a while. 

Wickwaya then prepared for the two women, that were to get the 
water from the spring for the ceremony, the following objects: One 
nakwakwosi of a small eagle feather that was to be worn in the hair 
and is called nakwa (wish, prayer); four nakwakwosis and one road, 
also of eagle feathers, to be deposited as an offering at the spring; 
also two single black and two double green bahos. 

When the altar is completed, the men smoke, the women practice 
singing for some time," and soon get the food for the noon meal. On 
this day, usiiall\- some more women come in. The noon meal is eaten 
in the kiva as usual. Wickwaya explained to me that the objects on 
the altar were owned and controlled 1)\- the following participants: 

' These sticks arc called noyawDi^koho, the meaning of which my notes do not give. The grass 
is called mumura. Wickwaya says, in every summer ci'remony. one of these wheels is deposited and 
a new one made. Two are plaited, one wouml with cotton twine. All have a duck feather nakwak- 
wosi tied to them. 

2 There is an interval here of a fi-w hours that has never been observed. Whether the women 
again made prayer offerings I tlo not know, but believe that such was not the case. 



PL. XI. 



A line of Anga-Katcinas before their departure from the plaza. To the right 
several priests who are handing them prayer offerings. 



Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Cerkmony — Votii. 35 

The medicine bowl, the Hquid and the herbs (tuvipsi and tukamsi) by 
No. 8; the corn-ears, the little stones by the side of the corn-ears, and 
one tiponi mother by No. 3 ; one gourd vessel by his mother; one mother 
tiponi by No. 9; a mother tiponi and one gourd vessel by No. 7; the 
six old makwanpis and the crystal tiponis by Wickwaya; a gourd 
vessel by No. i ; the tiponi by No. 4 (chief priestess). The old weeding 
implement and the bow on the east side of the altar by No. 10; the 
implement and bow on the west side by No. 2, the sand by Wickwaya 
and his sister. 

Soon after the noon meal two women get water again in their netted 
gourd vessels, taking with them the prayer offerings prepared by Wick- 
waya, and are discharmed by the chief priest all in the same manner as 
on the first day, (see notes of that day.) After they have returned, 
the ten participants in the ceremonies squat down around the altar 
again, the other women who have come in on this day, taking seats on 
the floor behind them; then the same ceremony is gone through as on 
the afternoon of the first day. A full description of the ceremony is 
given under that day. 

After the ceremony food is brought into the kiva, and a number 
of members, who have been in the kiva on this day only, join the others 
in the evening meal. After the meal most of the women usually go 
home; the men smoke. Just when the altar is dismantled, my notes 
do not state, but my recollection is that it is done after the men are 
through smoking. 

In the evening various dances take place by many different Kat- 
cinas^ in several kivas until late. 

I noticed, among other Katcinas, the following: Tasap, Owak, 
Marau, Koyemsi, Soyohim, Shaalako, Tcakwaina, Kohonino, and 
others. On another occasion I noticed on this evening the follow- 
ing: Balhikv-Mana, Anga, Tasap, Hehea Tahaamu and Tuvik, Anga- 
Katcinas. But the kind of Katcinas that appear on this day vary in 
the different years so that with every ceremony at least most of the 
Katcinas, that perform on this night, are different from those that 
appeared in the preceding ceremony. 

Ninth Day (Nalosh tala. Fourth Day). 

On this day no ceremonies of any kind take place, the altar being 
taken out and put away in the ancestral home of the Lizard clan during 
the night before, while the people are still sleeping, so that no uninitiated 

1 Masked Hopi, wearing various costumes and masks, and representing semi-deities, according to 
Hopi belief, probably ancestors of the Hopi, who are supposed to act as intermediaries between the 
Hopi and their various deities. The meaning of Katcina (from katci, life and naa father (?) may be: 
the immortals, living fathers or ancestors. The Hopi have hundreds of different Katcinas. 



36 l-'ii.i.n MisEi'M OF Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

eye should behold ii. This day is a day for puljlie performances and 
rcallx' l)elon<j;s to the people. The connection between the Marau 
ceremony and the ])erfonnances of this day seems to be somewhat 
obscure, as far as I ha\'e Ijcen able to learn. It may be, that certain 
pra\'er offcrinj:;s, made on the eighth day, are deposited by the parti- 
cipants in the ceremony early this morning or handed to the Katcinas 
that apix^ar on this day. This point, howe\-er, needs further in- 
vestigations. In the Suminer Marau ceremony this connection be- 
tween the ninth and the preceding days is much more apparent, as 
will Ijc described in the second ])art of this ]japer. On this day of 
the winter ceremon}' a series of Katcina dances takes i^lace on the 
iniblic ]3laza, viewed by the inhabitants of the village and visitors 
from other \-illages. But while on the previous evening many different 
Katcinas appeared, only one kind dances on this day, pcrfomiing about 
eight dances during the day. On one occasion it was the Hopi Anga- 
Katcina, one of the different kinds of the Anga-( Loose-Hair) Katcina 
(see Plate XI). The name is derived from the fact that the Katcinas 
wear their hair loose, hanging down the back. The mask, a face mask 
only, is i:)ainted green \\-ith a border below, the decoration of which 
varies in the different kinds of this Katcina. To the l^order is attached 
a long, black Ijcard. The body decoration, the objects held in the 
hands, etc., also vary in the different kinds of Anga-Katcinas. In 
the case of the Hopi Anga-Katcina the border is divided into small 
squares ]jaintcd in different colors. The body is also decorated in 
different C(3lors, and unlike other Anga-Katcinas, this one wears mocas- 
sins. In the ceremony of igoi the Balhikv-Mana danced on this day. 
This personage was introduced in Oraibi from IMishongnovi where the 
women occasionally a])])ear as Balhikv-IManas in a dance, Imt withovit 
masks (sec Plate XII). The name is derived from bahu-(water) 
hikwani (drink), and mana (maiden), because the dancers drink a 
certain licjuid on these occasions. The typical feature is a large head 
tablet similar to those worn 1)\' the Shaalakos. They also wear the 
at()e, white ceremonial blanket. In the other \-illages, however, these 
JManas ap])car as Katcinas, i. c., as men, wearing masks and Katcina 
costume. And it was these Katcinas that ai)pcarcd and ])erformcd 
dances on this da\". 



PL. XII. 



A. Balhikv- Manas on the plaza and their leader. 

B. The same, showing the sun symbols worn on their backs. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XII. 




THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY 

SECOND PART 

THE SUMMER CEREMONY 



CONTENTS. 



SECOND PART. 

Page 
Introduction ------- 41 

Baholawu or Introductory ceremony -...---.- 43 

The ceremonies in the kiva ------------43 

First Day .--.--- 43 

Second Day -------------- 48 

Third Day -------------- 50 

Fourth Day - - - - - - . . 50 

Fifth Day -------------- 55 

Sixth Day -------------- 57 

Seventh Day -------------- 57 

Eighth Day -------------- 57 

Ninth Day -------------- 64 

Songs chanted in the altar ceremonies ---------69 



PL. XIII. THE MARU altar of THE WINTER CEREMONY. 

The larger figurines are usually called Marau-Taka (Marau-Man), the smaller 
Marau-Mana (Marau-Maiden). The first are put up in the winter ceremony only. 
The two pyramid-shaped objects on each side of the altar are prepared on the 
eighth day and worn by the two Archers and two Lancers in the public performance 
on the last day. The cone, in front of the right side figurines, is the kao-tukwi 
described in the text. (Compare also explanation to PI. X.) 



NTRODUCTION. 



The Summer Marau Ceremony is, in its essential features, the same 
as the winter ceremony, which is described in the first part of this 
paper. It takes place in the same kiva, is performed by the same 
order, the same personnel and in the same general manner as the winter 
ceremony. But although it is essentially the same ceremony there 
are some marked variations. On the altar of the winter performance 
there are only two small figurines; on that of the summer ceremony 
two more, larger ones (see Plate XIII). Initiations of new members 
usually take place in the summer ceremony. On the last day of the 
latter the participants have elaborate public performances on the 
plaza which is not the case in the winter observance. It might be men- 
tioned here, that with other societies, such as the Snake, Flute, Lagon, 
etc., the summer or fall ceremonies are also more elaborate than their 
winter performances. 

The investigations of this ceremony are not quite complete, and, 
as intimated in the Introduction to the First Part of this paper, it 
was for this reason that their publication was deferred. It was hoped 
that another opportunity would offer itself to fill up small gaps and 
corroborate certain observations. This has not been the case. And 
as the chief features of the ceremony have all been observed, a number 
of them several times, and owing to the turn events have taken in 
Oraibi lately, which makes the possibility of more complete studies of 
these ceremonies in the future highly improbable, it has been thought 
best to publish what we have. 

The observations on which this description is based were made in 
the years 1893, 1895, 1897, 1901 and 1903. They always took i3lace 
in the month of September; in 1893 from the 4th to the 12th, in 1895 
from the 15th to the 23d, in 1897 from the loth to the i8th and in 1901 
from the 20th to the 28th. In 1893 the pubHc performances on the 
ninth day only were observed, as I had then only been there about six 
months. In that and the 1895 ceremony Wickwaya's aged mother 
acted as chief priestess ; in the others her daughter. The observations 
in 1903 were also only confined almost exclusively to the last two 
days. In this year Wickwaya's half brother Homihoiniwa acted for 
the first time as chief priest (see Plate XIV, a), the fonner chief Wick- 
waya also being present occasionally and assisting him. 



THE ORAIBI MARAU CEREMONY 



Second Part 
THE SUMMER CEREMONY 

I. Baholawu, or Introductory Ceremony. 

This brief ceremony was observed only once in September, 1901, 
and only brief notes were made. It took place in the forenoon. The 
chief priest, Wickwaya, his sister and a few other women assembled in 
the Marau kiva. Wickwaya made six double green and six single 
black prayer sticks (bahos), and six nakwakwosis. These were made, 
as far as I could ascertain, for the deities of the six world quarters, 
north, west, south, east, above and below. He furthermore prepared 
one baho for the sun and two for Sotukvnangwuu (Deity of Thunder), 
the latter being deposited in the same shrine with the sun baho. 

The women, as far as I could learn, prepared a nakwakwosi for 
each world quarter and one, each, for the sun and the moon. These 
prayer offerings were placed on a tray, some prayer-meal sprinkled 
on them and then two songs were chanted over the tray. After this 
Wickwaya solemnly smoked by the side of the tray, blowing the smoke 
on the prayer offerings which were, hereupon, deposited at different 
places around the village. 

2. The Ceremonies in the Kiva. 

First Day (Shush ka himuu, once not anything). 

Earlv in the morning of this day the natsi or standard of the society 
is placed at the south end of the kiva entrance (see Plate IV, a). The 
altar paraphernalia are brought into the kiva from the house in which 
they are kept, some time after sunrise and a pinch of meal sprinkled 
on them. The assistant chief, Navini, gets the necessary sand for the 
altar ridge and places it on the floor in the north end of the kiva. Soon 
the eight women, who are to participate in the altar ceremonies as 
leaders from day to day, begin to come into the kiva, bringing with 
them a white ear of com which they call their "mother." The chief 
priestess and her assistant have tied to their hair, on top of the head, 

43 



44 I-""!!:!.!) MlSKUM OF NATURAL HiSTORY — AnTH., VoL. XI. 

a nakwa, consislinj; of two small sparrow hawk feathers tied togethei 
at tlie quill end, which I think is made by the chief priest Wickwaya 
All make some prayer offerings which are placed into a tray, some sacred 
meal ])Ut on them, a small quantity of corn-pollen s]jrinkled into thf 
centre of the tray by Wickwaya and some meal by his sister, the chiei 
priestess. Wickwaya takes a shell rattle, hands to his sister and hei 
assistant a gourd rattle and some meal and, after a brief silence, utten 
a short ])raycr. All then sing two songs over the tray, whereupon h( 
again sa\'s a ]jrayer and all sprinkle meal on the tray. Navini, the 
assistant, hands him a lighted i)ipe from which he smokes o\xr th( 
tra\', whereupon he spurts some honey on the tray, handing the pip( 
to Navini. The latter then also smokes, but near the fireplace; wher 
he is through he takes a pinch of honey into his mouth and also spurt: 
it on the prayer offerings. The chief i)ricst then hands the nakwa^ 
kwosis to four women who deposit them, with a little meal, on the north 
west, south and east sides of a quarter to a half mile from the village 
Upon their return to the kiva they are greeted with thanks by al 
present. On one occasion 1 noticed at this juncture, that the women 
who return last from this errand, and one other, who has in the mean 
time come into the ki\'a, stroked and massaged the back and limbs o 
Wickwaya, his sister and her assistant. This is done several time; 
dviring the nine ceremonial da}'s. 

The chief priestess and her assistant now .sit down on folded blanket; 
in the north-west comer of the kiva where they, as well as the chie 
priest, usually sit silently throughout the nine days, when not engagec 
in ceremonial duties. 

While other wonien are coming in and the assistant ]mest occupie; 
his time with such work as carding and spinning cotton for praye: 
offerings, smoking, etc., the chief priest ]juts u]) the altar. On on( 
occasion he observed the following order in ])utting up the differen 
]jarts: i, the sand-ridge; 2, a pinch of meal on the ridge at the fiv( 
places where the fi\'e slabs are to be inserted; .^, inserting of a slal 
near the centre, then the one on the west end of the ridge, then the on( 
on the east end and hnalh' the one between the last n;imed and th( 
centre slab; 4, inserting of thi' zigzag and last of the small sticks; 5 
the two crooks; (), meal all o\-er the ridge; 7, a thin layer of fine sane 
in front of the ridge; and tlie l)Iaek cloud sym1)ol on it; 8, the two larg( 
idols, then the two smaller ones; (>, the small cloud and frog and blosson 
symbols on each side of the ridge; 10, the medicine bowl corn-ears 
etc., around it. A few other details, for instance the inserting of thi 
green bahos in the sand-ridge, were not noted down. The baho witl 
the l6ng string, (road), he made and placed on the altar after th( 



•** 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, FL. XIV. 




PL. XIV. 



A. Homihoiniwa, chief priest, succeeding Wickwaya. 

B. Wickwaya repainting the idols. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votii. 45 

latter was completed. On one occasion the chief priest re])ainte(l the 
figurines (see Plate XIV, b), as the old paint was very much worn. I 
was surprised, when he painted the four semicircular cloud sx-mbols 
on the bodies different from what they were before. They had before 
the colors of the four cardinal ]3oints, yellow for the north, j^a^een for 
the west, red for the south, and white for the east. When I drew his 
attention to it he said, it was "good " anyway and gave, if I remember 
rightly, as his reason, that he did not happen to have all the paints 
there, which, I believe, was true. Fortunately, I had pre\'iously care- 
full v noted down the colors, so that I was able when I reproduced this 
altar in the Field Museum to paint the figurines as they originally were. 
Wickwaya did not seem to feel quite easy about this innovation and 
did not seem to like it that I had noticed it.^ 

The altar is usually finished at about noon." Wickwaya, after 
having smoked awhile, resumes his seat in the corner with his sister. 
Occasionally a child is brought into the kiva and initiated, which is 
done in the following manner: A ring or circle of meal, about three 
feet in diameter, is sprinkled on the floor in the south-east corner of 
the deeper portion of the kiva. The child is placed into the centre of 
it. If it is small a woman holds it. Two older women kneel on op- 
posite sides of the circle, holding in their hands a ring made of strands 
or strips of yucca leaves. This ring is placed on the floor corresponding 
to the meal circle. The two women then raise and lower this ring 
four times about two feet, expressing a wish or prayer for the prosperity 
and happiness of the child, after which the latter is sent or taken to 
the altar and instructed to sprinkle some meal towards it, that has 
been previously placed into its hands. 

At about three o'clock in the afternoon two of the women, who 
participate in the daily altar perfomiances, are sent after water to two 
different springs, one being the Flute Spring west, the other Talaova 
(Dawn Spring), south-east of the village. The chief priest first ties 
an eagle nakwakwosi to their hair on the top of the head, and then 
hands to each one a long, black feather, a bone whistle, a white corn-ear, 
a netted gourd vessel, some nakwakwosis, two green and one black 
bahos, and some sacred meal. The prayer offerings they deposit 
at the spring before they dip the water. ^ While they are gone the rest 

1 I have noticed such inaccuracies and deviations in other ceremonies, particularly in changing 
the position of slabs, sticks, etc., on complicated altars, especially when the chief priest or his assist- 
ants are new men. 

2 This altar has been reproduced — with others — by the author in the Field Museum of Natural 
History (see Plate XXXIII). 

3 The Spring of Talaova is dry most, if not all, the time. But as it is one of the old sacred springs 
the offering is made there and then the water gotten from the nearest spring or pool. Similar instances 
have been observed in connection with other ceremonies. 



46 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

wail in silence. With regard to the returning of these two priestesses 
the following is taken from my notes of 1897: Pungnyanomsi returned 
first. Wiekwaya met her at the east side of the ladder, in the kiva, 
wlu>re she stopped. He first strewed a line of sacred meal from where 
she stood to the figurines on the east side of the altar and threw a pinch 
of meal on the elevated portion of the floor east of the ladder. He 
then received from her all the objects that she had taken with her, 
except the prayer ofTerings, and placed them in front of the altar. The 
vessel, of course, now contained water. She then sat down on the 
elevated portion of the floor close to the ladder w^here Wiekwaya had 
sprinkled the pinch of meal (see Plate VHI, a), Wickwa^'a resuniing 
his place by the side of his sister. All again waited in silence until 
the second woman returned. Wiekwaya w^ent through the same per- 
formance as before, only varying the meal line slightly towards the 
wxst and placing the objects a little towards the east from the others, 
the second woinan sitting down by the side of the first. He then took 
a long buzzard feather (wishoko) and a little meal, stood in front of 
the tW'O women, sprinkled a pinch of iTieal along the concave side of 
the feather and, holding it over the w^omen, huinined a short dischann- 
ing song, weaving or beating time up and down with the feather over 
the heads of the women from right to left two times, and then bi*ushed 
ofT the meal with the back of his fingers towards the hatch-way. This 
performance he repeated four times (see Plates VI, VII and VIII). 
He then took the nakw^akwosis from their hair and said, "Taa! (Now 
then!). They took off their wiiite robes, and one of them left the kiva 
temi^orarily while the other sat down at another place. The nakwa- 
kwosis Wiekwaya placed wdth the two water gourds. Hereupon he 
lighted a \n])C and smoked for a while, the others silently waiting. Some 
inore woinen came in. 

At about five o'clock all arrange themselves around the altar (see 
Plate XVI, a), the chief priest, his assistant, the chief priestess, her 
assistant and si.\ other w^omen. The chief priest hands to each one 
a ]Hnch of sacred ineal; he takes a mosilili, (cone shell rattle), the two 
priestesses each a gourd rattle, all the rest white ears of corn and then 
the first altar ceremon\' l)egins. The i^articipants are arranged in the 
same mannc^r as in the winter ceremony and the individual meinbers 
will l)e refc'rrc(l to mostly by number when mentioned in connection 
with any particular ])crformancc. This will be less confusing, as the 
ijarticijmnts in the different years were not always the same, but the 
positions, that lliose occupied, who ])erfonned that ])articular rite, 
remained unchanged.' It might l)c mentioned, that the position 

' Sc-c diagram on paue 17. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XV. 




PL. XV. 
Navini, assistant chief Marau priest. 



Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — YoTir. 47 

No. 3 is that of the assistant priestess, No. 4 of the ehief priestess, 
No. 5 of the assistant priest, and No. 6 of the chief priest.^ 

After the chief priest has handed a pinch of sacred meal to each 
priestess, No. 8 strews a Hne of meal from the altar to the ladder, 
throwing a pinch towards the hatch-way. Wickwaya then takes an 
eagle wing feather in his left, some meal in his right hand, stands up, 
sprinkles some meal along the feather, hums a short song waving the 
feather slightly up and down to the time of the singing, circles the 
feather over the altar two times, and then quickly brushes the meal 
of? towards the hatch-way. This he does, in all, five times. He then 
utters a brief prayer, assumes his seat in the circle and then the 

First song is commenced. No. 8 gets up, and, standing on the 
banquette of the kiva and holding a small tray with fine meal in her 
left hand, rubs four lines against the north wall of the kiva. At the 
second stanza of the song she does the same on the west wall, etc. At 
the fifth stanza she throws four times a small pinch against a joist over 
the altar, and at the sixth an equal number of times on the floor near 
the medicine bowl. 

Second song: No. 8 takes from a corn-husk some crushed berries, 
passes them along the ear of corn on the north side of the medicine 
bowl, drops them into the bowl, picks up the corn-ear, the old aspergill 
(which is called the husband of the corn-ear) and the small stone lying 
by its side, holds these objects over the bowl, and povirs some water 
on them from one of the netted gourd vessels, whereupon she replaces 
them. This she repeats with the other five groups of objects. 

Third song: No. 7 sprinkles a pinch of corn-pollen along the north 
side corn-ear into the bowl, then also throws the small stone from the 
north side into the bowl, and then, bending over the medicine bowl (see 
Plate IX, b) whistles into it several times. This she repeats with re- 
gard to the other five directions during the following five stanzas of 
the song. 

Fourth song: No. 3 moves slightly forward in a kneeling position, 
picks up the ear of corn and its husband from the north side of the 
bowl, dips these objects into the liquid and then asperges with them. 
At the second stanza she does the same with the objects from the west 
side, etc., until all six have been used. While this is going on No. 8 
asperges occasionally. 

Fifth song: No. 2 moves forward in a kneeling position and takes 
the two small bow sticks from the west side of the altar; No. 10 those 
from the east side; No. 7 the two sticks with the grass wheels from the 

' As Wickwaya was the chief priest, and Navini the assistant in nearly all the ceremonies observed, 
their names will be used in this memoir. 



4S FlKLD MUSKUM OF NATURAL HiSTORY AnTH., VoL. XL 

small fij^urinc on the west side and No. 9 those from the small figurine 
on the east side. All beat time on the floor with the ends of these sticks. 
At a certain word of the song they raise them and then dip them with 
a swce])ing downward motion into the charm liquid, and then asperge 
witli them. All the other singers also move the objects they hold in 
their hands towards (but not into) the bowl. All this is done six times 
— one time for each ceremonial direction. 

.S'/,\7// soiis^: All throw a pinch of meal towards the altar six times. 

Srveiilh soiii^: Wickwaya places a little honey on his tongue, lights 
the cloud-l)lower at the fireplace and then, taking the large end be- 
tween his lips, forces from it large clouds of smoke over the altar. 
After s]jurting the hone\' also onto the altar he scrapes the ashes from 
the ])ii-)e into the fireplace, whereuijon he resumes his place; the singing 
has in the meantime been continued by the others. 

Nine songs are then chanted, during which no special rites occur, 
excejjt asperging by No. 8 at the conclusion of each song. 

Seventeenth song: No. i shuffles slightly forward on her knees first; 
the chief jjriest steps behind the altar, pulls out one of the smaller 
sticks from the ridge and hands it to No. i, waving it from left to right 
over tlie medicine l)()wl. As soon as he has resumed his place the 
singing is taken uj) again. The woman beats time by striking the end 
of the stick on the floor. At a certain word^ in each stanza she swings 
the stick in front of herself from right to left and then continues to 
beat time with it as before. She rejjcats this six times. All then say, 
thanks; Wickw^aya replaces the stick, circling it back over the bowl, and 
resumes his seat. A brief, solemn silence follows. Then Wickwaya 
and his sister utter a brief ])rayer; the others, one after another say: 
" Pai itam ookaoyani (We shall be very strong (or steadfast), where- 
upon all throw a pinch of meal towards the altar and then scatter 
throughout the kixa. The chief priest and his assistant smoke from 
a ])i])e which the latter has lighted and after the smoking, spurt some 
honey about them. The w^omen make nakwakwosis which they tie 
to their hair." The three principal leaders eat on this day only in the 
cxxMiing; all others abstain from all foods containing salt. 

Skcom) Day (Shush tala, First Da\-). 

In the morning the same ceremony takes ])lace around the altar by 
the ten leaders as the one that occurred on the pre\'ious afternoon, 
with the exception, howex'er, that the disc-hanning ceremony by Wick- 

' See page Ki. 

2 This probably refers to the Marau nakwakwosis of two small sparmw liawk feathers already 
mentioned and which the chief priestess and her assistant had on in the nujrning. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 49 

waya is omitted, the four meal lines on the four kiva walls are not made, 
and the ceremony of dipping the ears of corn, etc., into the charm 
liquid is dispensed with, No. 8 only asperging occasionally while the 
first two songs are chanted. After the singing No. 8 throws a pinch 
of meal through the hatch- way and Wickwaya and Navini smoke, the 
first at his usual place in the circle, the latter at the fireplace. Both 
spurt a little pinch of honey about them after the smoking. 

On one occasion I noticed that a few other women had come in on 
this morning. They sat back of the circle but also received some 
sacred meal and at the close of the ceremony spriilkled it towards the 
altar. 

At about seven o'clock food is brought to the kiva for the morning 
meal. Those who bring it announce their arrival at the outside and 
are greeted by askwali! (thanks), by the women in the kiva, the latter 
going up the ladder and taking down the vessels. When the food is 
all standing on the floor a small pinch of the various dishes and of the 
piki is placed on the floor in front of the altar. Before eating all stand 
around the food and sing quietly for about fifteen minutes, whereupon 
they squat down on the floor around the board and eat, except Wick- 
waya, his sister and her assistant who occupy their places in the north- 
west corner of the kiva. They fast this day again the same as the 
day before, i. e., they eat in the evening only. The others eat, but no 
foods seasoned with salt. 

In one ceremony were noticed at this time in front of the altar 
twelve small food bowls; also four piki trays on top of each other and 
in the uppermost tray four small trays. The bowls contained some kind 
of a stew, the trays piki (the typical Hopi wafer bread) and the small 
trays a white mush. On top of the latter lay a small quantity of some 
other kind of food which was also offered with the food from the other 
bowls, as already stated. Of the food in these containers the three 
chief leaders eat in the evening. 

After breakfast the leaders deseed, card and spin cotton, and some 
prayer offerings are made; a baho for the sun and nakwakwosis for 
the world quarters, by Wickwaya. Just what kind by the women 
was not recorded. Besides this, nothing of importance is going on. 
The chief leaders spend most of their time at their usual place; some 
sleep, others gossip. 

At one time I noticed on this forenoon Navini occupy the place in 
the north-west comer that the assistant priestess usually occupies. 
Whether the seat was not to be left vacant while she was out or whether 
it was for some other reason I did not learn. 

In the afternoon the women practiced mostly singing, moving 



50 FiF.i.i) MusF-UM OF Natural History ^ Anth., Vol. XI. 

slowh' around sideways in a circle in the kiva holding a white ear of 
corn in their hands and waving their arms upwards, sideways and 
downward, in fact going through the same pantomime as in the public 
performance on the plaza on the ninth day, for which they are evidently 
])racticing. The evening meal was, of course, eaten in the kiva. 

Third Day (Losh tala, Second Day). 
Concerning the rites performed before dawn on this day the fol- 
lowing is taken from my notes of 1895: 

1 arrived at the kiva at five o'clock a. m. The ten leaders had been 
sleeping in the kiva and just began to stir and some were singing even 
before they were up. 

About fifteen minutes later Wickwaya inade his morning offering 
(kuiwato) a few hundred feet south of the kiva by sprinkling a little 
sacred meal on the ground and towards the dawn, after he had held it 
to his lips and whispered a j^rayer on it. A few minutes later his 
sister put up the natsi^ at the south end of the hatch-way (see Plate IV, a) 
and then all the women took their white ears of corn and some meal 
and went to a rock, south of the village, where they drew up in a line 
facing the east. Each held the meal to the lips and then threw a pinch 
of it on a stone in front of them and the rest towards the rising dawn." 

As soon as all have returned the ten leaders arrange themselves 
around the altar in the usual manner and the same ceremony is gone 
through as on the second day. In fact this day is spent in the kiva 
in practically the same manner as the previous day, i. e., with carding 
and spinning of cotton, the pre]jaring of the usual prayer offerings, 
smoking (by the men), sleeping and, in the afternoon, practicing for 
the public performance on the last day. On one occasion Wickwaya, 
Navini and their mother, the chief priestess, squatted down in front of 
the altar and sang several songs, but it seemed to be done only for 
practicing or rehearsing. I also noticed again that Navini, for a short 
time, occupied the seat of the assistant priestess in the corner, as he 
did once for a brief jjcriod on the ])revious day. 

The regulations with regard to fasting and eating are the same as 
on the ])revious da\'. 

Fourth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). 
This is one of the most important of the nine ceremonial days. As 
the earlv ceremonies of this day were obscr\-ed in 1895 only, I give 
mv notes from that year as nearly as ])ossible verbatim: I was at the 

' On some days Wickwaya attended to that. 

2 While these early i-ites were not noted every morning it is believed that they took place every 
day except on the first and perhaps ninth day. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votii. 51 

kiva at four o'clock, as I wished to observe all the rites and 
ceremonies of this important day. Everything was quiet in the kiva 
yet. But when they heard me outside they got up. Wickwaya had 
also spent the night in the kiva, as usual. Soon one of the women 
took a prayer feather and some sacred meal to a shrine at Apohoniwe — 
I was told.^ At about 4:30 the aged chief priestess, Tangakweima, took 
out the natci very reverently, waved it from the six ceremonial world 
quarters towards the point where it was to be inserted into the matting 
at the south end of the hatch- way, then sprinkled meal in the same 
manner and then inserted it, saying to me: It is now going to rain; I 
asked the rain to come. 

At about five o'clock every woman took her corn-ear and some 
prayer-meal and all went slowly, as usual, to a rock, south of the 
village, for the usual morning rite of kuiwato. As they passed the 
Kwan kiva they all cast a little meal toward it. Arriving at the rock 
they threw a pinch of meal on the ground, where, I believe, a small 
shrine is located; then all faced towards the east where it just began 
to dawn, waved the corn-ears towards the east and threw the rest 
of the meal also in that direction, whereupon they slowly filed back 
to the kiva. Here I met Homihoiniwa, Wickwaya's half brother, who 
in the meantime had come into the kiva. He succeeded Wickwaya 
a few years later as chief priest. He just left the kiva to make his 
morning offering, which Wickwaya probably had done while the 
women had been out for that same purpose. 

In the kiva Wickwaya had just built a fire and Navini had come in. 
When all were in, some sat down in front of the altar, others on the 
banquettes along the walls and soon they began to sing, evidently for 
practice. 

Then the same ceremony took place as on the two preceding days 
after No. 8 had, as usual, strewn a meal line from the effigies on the 
east side of the altar to the ladder which is supposed to close the cere- 
monial chamber, and is not supposed to be crossed by any one." 

When the ceremony was over, Homihoiniwa, instead of Navini, 
lighted the pipe at the fireplace and handed it to Wickwaya, who smoked 
awhile, blowing the smoke towards the altar. Navini then did the 
same, handing the pipe to Homihoiniwa, who also smoked a few puffs 

' Apohoniwe is several miles from Oraibi, but as in other cases, a shrine closer by probably rep- 
resents that place. Thus the San Francisco Mountains. Kishiwuu and other distant places, sacred to 
the Hopi. have a substitute place closer by that bears the same name and where the offerings are 
deposited, that are intended for those distant shrines. 

- This applies to all ceremonies where this line is made. They usually objected to any one going 
up or down the ladder while the ceremony was in progress, but more particularly to the use of the 
right or east side of the ladder. 



52 FiKi.n MrsiuM of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

at tlie firc]jlac-c', while Wickwaya and Navini spurted honey over the 
aUar and around themselves and up the ladder. 

After a brief period of rest all began to make bahos and nakwa- 
kwosis, while some women had to spin some cotton string first for that 
purpose. On one occasion it was noticed here that the old priestess 
ga\e to each woman a roll of white piki, which, however, they did not 
cat as the\- were supposed to fast on this day. The exact number 
and kind of bahos and nakwakwosis could not be accurately recorded. 
On one occasion I noticed that Pungnyanomsi (No. i) prepared a double 
green baho, about fourteen inches long and another one about six 
inches long ; to the first she fastened a small crook which she also painted 
green. She also prepared a number of eagle nakwakwosis and a long 
piihu (road), i. e., a long twisted cotton string to one end of which a 
bunch of different kinds of small feathers are fastened. My notes • — 
which had to be written rapidly — do not state to which of the two 
bahos this road was attached, but in all probability to the long one. 
She then constrticted on a flat tray a square baho stand of clay eight 
or ten inches long, about five inches wide and about two inches high, 
the four sides sloping so that it was larger at the bottom than at the 
top. This she sprinkled liberally with meal and then thrust the two 
bahos into it, one near each end. The long road was folded up and 
placed on to]) of the stand, the nakwakwosis beside it on the tray. 

Usualh' initiations of new members take place on this day. A 
moho-ngola (yucca ring) is prepared for this ]Jurpose, consisting of 
one, or sometimes a number of strands (usually four) of split yucca 
leaves which are tied together by the ends at four places so that the 
ring consists of four lengths, or sections. As soon as a candidate for 
initiation enters or is brought in, (for they are mostly small children), 
a circle of meal is strewn in the south-east corner of the deeper portion 
of the ki\'a with a pinch of meal in the centre. The \'ucca ring is put 
on the meal ring. The candidate steps, or is placed, into this circle, 
holding a little meal in the right hand. Two priestesses then raise 
and lower the yucca ring four times, expressing a wish or prayer that 
the novice may grow old and be happy. The novice then goes, or if 
too voung, is taken to tlie altar where they sprinkle the meal towards 
the altar. The\- are then gi\'en a white ear of corn and the typical 
Marau nakwa, of two small sparrow hawk feathers, is tied to their hair. 
When not in use the moho-ngola hangs on the wall east of the ladder. 

Another jjcculiar object is made on this day only. It consists of 
a cone of clay, about ten inches high and six inches in diameter at the 
base. Usualh' two women make this cone. One of them takes two 
cars of corn from a tray, ras[)s one over the other four times and then 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi AIarau Ceremony — • Yoth. 53 

stops about a minute. She then shells the corn, whereupon the kernels 
are pressed into the soft cone, first in four stripes, an inch to an inch 
and a half wide, one yellow (north), one dark blue (west), one red 
(south), and one white (east). These stripes run from the base to the 
apex of the cone. The spaces between these four lines are then filled 
up with kernels of the four different kinds of color. Into the apex 
a bunch of feathers^ is inserted and the cone then placed on the floor 
at the east side of the altar (see Plate XIII). 

One time I noticed again on this day that soon after the morning 
ceremony two women stroked and massaged the back and limbs of 
Wickwaya and the two leading priestesses again. 

At about half past ten in the forenoon the work of making the 
bahos and nakwakwosis is finished. They are disposed of in various 
wa^^s; some nakwakwosis are laid over the arms of the figurines, one 
time one woman tied one to a beam of the ladder; two were placed 
on the floor near the fireplace, as a prayer that the Hopi should never 
suffer for want of fire. Most of them were placed on a tray with 
some meal. The chief priest and the women sitting around the tray 
sing a few songs, accompanying this by shaking their rattles. After 
the singing the priest utters a short prayer. He then smokes over 
them from a cloud blower which his assistant has lighted and from 
which he had first blown some smoke over the altar. Both always 
spurt some honey after having smoked. Some more nakwakwosis 
are then disposed of. On one occasion I observed that some were tied 
to the netted gourd vessles; one woman took a pinch of prayer-meal, 
mumbled a prayer over it, and threw the meal and feathers on the 
embers of the fireplace. The nakwakwosis that are still on the tray 
are handed with some meal to six women, each one also having a pinch 
of honey placed on her tongue, who deposit them at six different places 
near the village. Each woman also takes her white ear of corn along. 
As one after the other returns, in about ten minutes, she takes a pinch 
of meal from a tray, holds it to her lips and casts it toward the altar, 
all the others saying, thanks! More women usually are present on 
this day than before. Each one brings with her a white ear of com 
and throws some meal to the altar when she comes into the kiva. 
After the prayer offerings have been disposed of, the women soon squat 
down in an oblong circle in front of the altar and make nakwakwosis 
for their departed loved ones. "This is for my mother," said one to 
me; "This for my sister," another one, etc. These nakwaksosis are 
put on a tray, which is placed near the 'altar. Then nothing of im- 
portance takes place for several hours. 

My notes do not state what kind of feathers. 



54 I-"]!".!-!) Mlsf.um of Natural History — j^nth., Vol. XI. 

Ill the mickllc of the afternoon' the ten leaders again arrange them- 
selves around the altar in the usual manner. No. 8 strews the meal 
line from the altar to the ladder and then the usual singing ceremony 
takes jjlace in the same \va\- as on previous occasions. But during the 
fifteenth song an entirely new scene is presented. As there were some 
variations in the difTerent years I give my notes of 1895 and 1897 
separately: 

1895: This over, all stood up; No. 10 put on a white dress (owa) 
and a fine blanket (toihi), whitened her face with meal, tied a pota (tray 
from the Second Mesa) that had nakwakwosis fastened to its rim, to 
each wrist, and then danced very gracefully around the altar four 
times, stopping at each cardinal point and waving the potas towards 
it. All sang and those having rattles shook them as usual, while this 
was going on. When this was over, all said, thanks, and resumed their 
places. 

1897: A woman, dressed in a toihi, big knotted belt, moccasins 
with leggings, her face daubed white, jumped up behind the altar. 
vShe had two old trays with corn-meal and danced around the altar 
six times, rather vigoroush', swinging the trap's (from side to side) 
and then stopped behind the altar, where one of the women assisted 
her in taking off the costume, etc. All cried, thanks! 

In each of these two cases the ceremony then went on and tenninated 
in the usual way. Most of the women then go after food for the even- 
ing meal. The chief priestess takes a large bowl, containing some 
piki and cooked beans, and places it on the elevated portion of the 
kiva west of the ladder; at the east side of this bowl she places a tray 
with meal and the tray with the nakwakwosis prepared by the women 
in the forenoon for their departed friends and relatives. She then 
assumes a kneeling position south of the bowl, her assistant north and 
Wickwava south-west of it. The latter has a mosilili in his hand. 
The other women now begin to return to the kiva with the various 
dishes of food for the evening meal. Every woman steps to the priest- 
esses who take a small quantity of every kind of food, even of the liquids, 
and init it into the large bowl, whereupon the woman places her vessel 
with the food on the floor in the deeper portion of the kiva. Here 
the different bowls and trays are arranged in two rows, around which 
the women seat themselves as they come in. When all have made 
their contribution of food, they all rise and standing around the food 
board begin to sing, waving their amis, and Wickwaya shaking the 
mosihli to the time of the singing. Some have their corn-ear in their 
hand, others have not. During the singing the two priestesses kneel 

' The time has varied in tlie clifTer<'iit >cars lieUveeii .j:.iO and 5 o'clock. 



PL. XVI. 



A. Leading priestesses singing around the altar. Through the gap in the 
circle the meal line is strewn from the idols to the ladder. 

B. Priestesses consecrating ceremonial objects, to be used in the public per- 
formances on the last day. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL XVI. 





Feb., igi2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votii. 55 

on opposite sides of the bowl holding it with both hands. All at once 
they dump the meal from the tray into the bowl, make a dough of this 
mixture and then form about sixteen balls of it, which they ]ilacc on the 
tray with the nakwakwosis. After that they rub off the dough, that 
adheres to their hands, with meal and then again hold the (now empty) 
bowl until the singing stops. Four women of the ten leaders then 
step forward, the chief priestess gives to each one a portion of the balls 
and nakwakwosis, placing them into a corner of the blanket or cloak 
that they wear over their dress. One then rtms to the north, the 
other to the west, the third to the south, and the fourth to the east 
side of the village. Each one then runs from her point to the next 
one, i. e., the one from the north side to the place where the one on 
the west side started and so on, each one describing a fourth part of 
a circle. While they run they throw away food balls and nakwakwosis 
as an offering to the dead. It is the supposition that the spirits of 
the departed come and get the food and the prayer feathers, or rather 
the hikvsi (breath, essence, soul) of those objects.^ 

While these four women are gone the others begin to eat, the four 
joining them when they return. On one occasion (in the ceremony 
of 1897) there w^ere about twenty women around the one and about 
twelve around the other "table." The aged Tangakweima, who had 
acted as chief priestess for the last time in 1895, then having been 
succeeded by her daughter, had a seat at the head (north end) of one 
of the boards; Wickwaya had a place at her right, then came Navini, 
while the seat at her left was occupied by Qoyamonoma (No. 10), at 
whose left sat Ootchnomsi, Wickwaya 's sister who, for the first time, 
acted as chief priestess. 

After supper nothing of importance takes place until after twelve 
o'clock at night. The time is spent in singing, talking, joking, smoking 
(by the men), etc. A few more men and a number of new women 
usually come in this evening. On one occasion I counted about forty 
persons in the kiva. 

Fifth Day (Nalosh tala. Fourth Day). 
As the participants in the ceremony had been up all night and 
various performances took place during the night, the description of 
this day's doings begins where that of the previous day ended, at 
twelve o'clock at night. The time from midnight until one o'clock is 
spent in practically the same way as that from supper until midnight : 
in singing, talking, eating, joking, etc. Now and then one will go to 

"' The custom of not only informing the ancestors and friends in the other world that a ceremony 
is in progress here, but also of providing the means to have them share in its benefits has also been 
observed in other ceremonies. 



56 FiKi.D Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XL 

slcc]), l)ut as sleei)ing is ]jr()hibitcd the sleeper is soon disturbed and 
aroused aj^ain. At about one o'eloek the ten leaders take their usual 
places around the altar again and, as far as I could determine, the 
same ceremony, that has taken place every day, is again enacted. All 
the others present sit scattered on the floor south of the leaders and 
join in the singing as inuch as they can. At the conclusion of the 
])erfonnance they all cast a pinch of meal towards the altar. 

Pungnyanomsi and her sister-in-law now leave the kiva, the rest 
fold up their blankets or upper garments diagonally, lay them over 
one shoulder, tying the two ends together over their chest. All then 
move in slow procession sideways around the altar and ladder four 
times. As they pass Wickwaya, who stands at the north side of the 
altar, he thrusts one of the sticks from the altar ridge behind the rolled 
up gannent on the back of each woman. As the kiva is only diinly 
lighted it was not possible to get all the details of these, inore or less 
rapidly, developing performances. A nmnber of the women — all 
the leaders I think — take an object from the altar. On one occasion 
one had a netted gourd vessel; Wickwaya's mother had the tiponi. 
Wickwaya, Navini and Homihoiniwa, each, had one of the wide corn- 
slabs froin the altar. After completing the fourth circuit they all 
filed out, the men last. 

As the night was very dark I could not record the exercises outside 
very well, but believe that they were the saine as took place during 
this night in the winter ceremony (see page 31). Outside two men were 
guarding the kiva. The whole procession went around the kiva several 
times, occasionally sprinkling meal at the south end of the kiva. All 
then came in again and sat down. Navini and Homihoiniwa burned 
the nakwakwosi that had been lying at the fireplace during the day. 
Wickwaya lighted a pipe, whereupon the three men smoked. The 
alter remained in its dismantled condition. 

Nothing of im])ortance takes place during the remaining part of 
the night, in fact, no regular ceremony takes place all day. In the 
forenoon most of the participants rest and sleep in their homes. On 
one occasion I noticed Wickwaya and Navini in their fields. 

In the afternoon, however, a number of the women assemble in 
the kiva and practice songs which they usualh- com]josc right then 
and there. Tlie women are attired in all manner of ludicroiis ways, 
])artly in men's, partly in white nian's dress, partly in that of other 
tril)es, etc. The .songs usually refer to some real or imaginary pecu- 
liarity of some man in the x'illage, and are chanted at the ])ublic dance, 
which is ])erformed 1)}' these women on the ])laza in the evening. This 
is called tao-somngwu ("song-tie" or "song-bind"), because the man 



Feb., 191 2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Vorii. 57 

whose name is mentioned in the son^ is bound, or considered to be 
under obHgation, to give some presents to the women, which, I beHeve, 
usually consist of one or the other kind of food. (Compare the de- 
scription of this day's proceedings in the First Part of this paper.) 
The chief object of these performances seems to be the entertaining 
of the people and the women usually reach that object as their per- 
formances cause a great deal of hilarity and laughter on the part of 
the spectators. No fasting takes place on this or any subsequent day. 

Sixth Day (Shush tala, First Day). 

This day is spent in practically the same manner as the fifth day, 
except that there is no early night ceremony. The leaders sleep in 
the kiva, the natsi is put up, and though my notes do not distinctly 
say so, I have reason to believe that the morning offerings (kuiwato) 
are made the same as on previous days. 

One time I observed that in another kiva, the Blue Flute, a lot of 
sweet-corn was shelled by about twenty-two members of the Marau 
order and that one of the leaders (No. 10) then divided it among these 
members to be ground to meal in their homes. 

This day is also called komok-totokya, from komokto to get wood, 
because the necessary firewood for the preparing of food on the next 
day for the public ceremony is gotten on this day. 

Seventh Day (Losh tala. Second Day). 

The conditions are practically the same as on the previous day. 
I noticed that Wickwaya and Navini attended to their fields. One 
or two women and sometimes a few children are usually in the kiva 
to watch that no one, not initiated, enters. Now and then other wom- 
en come in, but soon leave. The altar is still in its dismantled con- 
dition. Most of the members, as wxll as the other women of the 
village, bake piki for the public feast on the ninth day. From this 
fact this day is sometimes called pik-totokya (piki-day or piki-pro- 
viding) . 

In the afternoon another tao-somngwu "song-tie" performance is 
prepared and in the evening carried out on the plaza, as described 
before. 

Eighth Day (Bayish tala, Third Day). 

This is again one of the more important days of the ceremony.^ 
The participants rise at about five o'clock in the morning. The natsi 
is put up almost immediately. In 1897 Wickwaya put it up on this 

1 Also called totokya, which really means sleeps. But why it is called that way no one seems to 
know. The day preceding any important ceremony is designated by that name, which seems to have 
a meaning similar to "Christmas Eve." or the German "Heilige Abend," a general preparation day. 



5S I'-ii 1.1) Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

dav. My notes of that year say that at about six o'clock Wickwaya 
commenced to make bahos. First, a light blue double baho for the 
sun, with two eagle feather nakwakwosis attached to it (see Plate XXX, 
h). The Marau ceremony is the only ceremony where I have seen 
a baho of this light blue color. It is deposited, I believe, towards 
evening somewhere south-east and close to the mesa. He also makes 
four double green (see Plate XXX, f) and two single black bahos (see 
Plate XXX, g) which are taken to the springs in the afternoon by the 
two women who get the water for the ceremony. 

At about seven o'clock a woman (Xo. lo) came in and after she had 
rested a little while swept up the chips and shavings left on the floor 
from the baho making and put them into a blanket, threw a pinch of 
meal on them and carried them out, casting them on the ground close to 
the kiva. A little later another woman brought some young, green corn- 
stalks, a few green sprigs of squash and beans, a peach twig with some 
green peaches on it, and some watennelon and musk melon rtmners, 
etc.. which she placed on the floor near the altar. 

Several other men come in on this day to prepare special objects. 
One of these is supposed to belong to the Bow clan. On one occasion 
it was an old man by the name of Nakwahoyoma. He prepared two 
sets of four arrows each, (see Plate XXX, a) and also got two wrist 
protectors. The arrows are made of reed, with points of hard wood 
which he painted red, pressing on the wet paint a little powder of 
specular iron. The wrist protectors are made of old elk, buffalo or 
heavy deer-skin and are about four inches wide. To these are sewn 
bone ijlates about two inches wide, their length being the same as the 
width of the leather part of the protector. These bones are supposed 
to l)e c-ut out of the scapula? of slain enemies or of bears. He handed 
these objects to two women who said, askwali, (thanks), and placed 
them on the floor and the man smoked over them. Some one had 
also bnjught in two old bows and two long sticks and two wheels or 
rings, about seven inches in diameter. The arrows were placed with 
these objects. One of the men formed a part of the green corn-stalks 
and \"ines, mentioned before, into a coinpact bundle about sixteen 
inches long and about six inches in diameter, In* tying four strands of 
\'ucca leaves around them. To each string he had tied a nakwakwosi; 
to those at each end one of a "red eagle" (hawk) feather, to one of 
the others one of an eagle, and to the last one, one of a turkey feather. 
This bundle is also placed on the floor with the bows, arrows, etc. 
In the meantime Na\'ini had i)repared a shaft or wand about three 
feet long, to the jjoint end of which he fastened two black-tipped eagle 
tail feathers and some other feathers of various colors. Along the 



PL. XVII. 

A. Chief priestess with the shield on her back. 

B. The same in the dance circle. Also showing two Marau-Takas preparing 
food balls. 



PL. XVIII. MARAU-VAHOS. 

1. The terraced upper end represents a cloud with a drawing of a cloud and 
falling rain on it. Below this is a picture of Muyingwu, the Deity of Growth, 
perched on a rainbow. Under this are three towering clouds also on a rainbow. 
At the lower end is an ear of com. 

2. Reverse side of a children's baho, showing the usual turkey feather, and 
kunya and maovi sprig. 

3. Cloud symbol above, three towering clouds in the middle and above and 
below the latter the rainbow symbol. At the lower end an ear of corn. 

4. Children's baho with a cloud and corn-ear symbol. 

5. The symbolism is the same as No. i with the exception of the cloud symbol. 

6. Children's baho with a picture of a cloud and a carved ear of corn. 

The lines on the reverse side of i, 3 and 5 denote tracks, according to some 
of deities; according to others, of birds. 

With rare exceptions, these symbols are the only ones used in Oraibi, while in 
the other villages many others may be seen, some of which are probably late innova- 
tions. 



Feb., IQI2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 5q 

shaft runs a string of red fringes, made of a horse's mane, the string 
being fastened to each end of the shaft. This wand is used by a priestess 
in the pubHc performance the next day (see Plates XIX and XX). 
The men also fixed up an old square shield (see Plate XV^II), which is 
about i6 inches long and about 12 inches wide at the top, and about 
10 inches at the bottom. This shield is called bawayoykashi. The 
name refers to copious rains or rain water. (A similar shield, worn 
by Flute-priests, is called the same.) It is made of a framework of 
sticks over which old native cloth is stretched. The two flat side 
pieces are slightly bent at the top, forming crooks as it were. Along 
the upper edge are fastened small red feathers and in the centre a 
bunch of larger white fuzzy eagle feathers. Along the lower edge is 
fastened a string of red horsehair, two eagle tail feathers being sus- 
pended at the middle of the lower rim. The upper half of the shield 
is painted green, the lower half red, the bent portion of the side pieces 
of the frame, yellow. On the lower end of each of these slabs is painted 
an ear of corn. In the middle of the shield is depicted a figure with a 
human face, but otherwise resembling an eagle. This picture evidently 
represents Miiyingwuu, the God of Germination, who plays such a 
conspicuous part in the Hopi ceremoniology under different names. ^ 
When this shield is finished it is placed west of the altar. 

Furthermore, the four peculiar headdresses which are worn on the 
next day by four priestesses, as will be described later, are prepared on 
this day. They consist of a ring of tightly twisted strands of black and 
green yarn. Into this ring are inserted at three different places sticks 
about 18 inches long, the upper ends of which are tied together so that 
a pyramid-shaped frame is formed. To the apex is fastened a bunch 
of long, red horsehair, a parrot feather and two eagle tail feathers. 
On each side of the ring is fastened horizontally another eagle tail 
feather, the tips pointing backward. To the quill ends are also attached 
small bunches of eagle feathers. To the front of the ring is fastened a 
roll of corn-husks which is tightly wound with black and white yarn 
so that long black and white squares are formed. Around each end 
of this roll is wound a small amount of loose red wool and into each end 
are thrust two large and a number of small hawk feathers (see Plates 
XXI and XXII). 

In the ceremony of 1903 a peculiar ceremonial costume was pre- 
pared in addition to the above named objects. This consisted, first, 
of a cap, made of a band of rawhide, to fit around the head, to which 

1 The personage which is usually called Alosaka in some of the other villages is, in my opinion, 
identical with this deity. The figurine Chowilawuu on the Oraibi Powamu altar seems to represent 
the same deity and at the Katcina initiation, during the Powmau ceremony, Muyingwuu is represented 
by the chief Powamu priest (see "The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony" by H. R. Voth, PI. LVII). 



6o FiF.i.D MrsKUM of Natural Histoky — Anth., Vol. XI. 

wen- lied one l)an(l rnnnini,^ from ear to ear over the head and another 
runninj; from the forehead to the back of the head. To each side was 
fastened a fla]j, al^out ten inches long and about four inches wide, 
rounded at ihe up])er end. These consisted of a simple frame made 
of sticks over which was stretched a piece of white cloth. The rim 
or border of the flaps was black and had a sprig of herb or grass attached 
to it. The second part of the costume consisted of four squares, each 
made of four sticks of reed, about i8 inches long, the ends of two pieces 
being tied together at each corner of the square. To each corner was 
fastened an oblong |)iece of gourd shell with rounded corners which 
were painted as follows: 

First Scjuare: First piece, concave side white, with a black line 
in the middle from which sh<jrt black lines ran upwards like branches 
on a tree; black spots on the convex side. Second piece, concave side 
black, with two yellow parallel lines running from end to end and 
yellow spots on the convex side. Third piece, white on concave side 
and the lines as well as the spots being black. Fourth ]jiece, concave 
side yellow^ wnth two black (?) lines; spots on concave side yellow. 

Second Square: First piece, concave side white, two Ijlack lines; 
the spots on the convex side also black. Second piece, right half 
green, left half white, with a black line between the two, and yellow 
spots on the convex side. Third piece, conca\'e side, marked the 
same as the first piece in the first square. Fourth ]jiece, concave side, 
right half yellow, left half green, with green spots on the obverse side. 

Third Square: First piece, white with two black ]jarallel lines, the 
spots on the obverse side also being black. Second ]jiece, the same as 
the first. Third piece, concave side green with a black cloud symbol 
in the centre and black spots on the convex side. Fovu'th piece, white 
on concave side, with the same marks on both sides as the first i)iecc 
in the first square. 

Fourth Scjuarc: First piece, concave side while with a small, l)lack 
cloud sym1)()] in centre and black sjjots on the convex side. Second 
]jiece wliile willi Iwo yellow parallel lines on concave and yellow spots 
on llie Cfjnvex side. Tliird i)iece, concave side white with two black 
jjarallel lines on concave side and black spots on convex. Fourth piece 
the same as the second, only with black spots instead of yellow. 

The convex side of all i)ieces was alike except the spots, but my 
notes fail to state whether all were white or left in the natural color. 
I have reasons to believe that the first was the case. To each corner 
of the squares were tied small Inmches of grasses and herbs. 

It will l)e noticed, that all of the five ceremonial colors (yellow, 
green, red, white and black) were used except red, the color of the 



PL. XIX. 



A. The chief priestess with the wand emerging from the kiva. 

B. The same returning from the plaza, where the public performances take 
place. 







m 



P 






■M 




FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. XX. 




PL. XX. 

A. The Wand priestess in the dance circle. 

B. The early morning dance with corn-stalks. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Votn. 61 

south, but I do not believe that this was omitted intentionall\-. The 
men probably did not happen to have that coU^r. It will also be 
noticed that apparently no regularity as to the arrangement of the 
colors was observed. The fact that this costume had not been 
made and used for many years, and that the men who made it 
were inexperienced, probably accounts for some of the irregular- 
ities.^ 

The men furthermore tied many twigs of green cotton, fresh melon 
and squash vines, small corn-stalks, etc., to cotton strings and many 
nakwakwosis to the vines, to be used the next day by the so-called 
"Rabbit Mother" for her costume. 

At about noon four, sometimes five, women place the following 
objects on the floor east of the fireplace: The four pyramid -shaped 
headdresses, the two bows with the eight arrows, the two long sticks, 
the two wheels, the bunch of vines and the two wrist protectors. Be- 
tween these is placed a medicine bowl, the usual six meal lines, north, 
west, south, east, north-east (above) and south-west (below), which 
run to a common centre, first being made. The women squat around 
these objects, one of them takes the two short bow sticks that had been 
lying on the east side of the altar, another the two that had been lying 
on the west side, and also an ear of corn. A third and fourth woman, 
each take one of the sticks with the little wheels that are leaning 
against the arms of the figurines during the ceremonies. If more 
women participate they hold an ear of corn in their hand. These 
women now sing rather quietly several songs, beating time on the kiva 
floor with the end of the sticks, and occasionally dipping them into the 
medicine bowl and then asperging w4th them. The object of the 
singing is evidently to consecrate these articles (see Plate XVI, b). 
When the singing is over the objects are all placed near the altar w^hich 
the chief priest has in the meantime reconstructed (see Plate XIII). 
Several other special objects had been prepared in the meantime; 
among others a small ring into which were thrust four artificial flowers 
and a number of fuzzy eagle feathers;^ and also a blue shirt, both to 
be worn by one of the priestesses the next day. Wick way a has also 
made the usual bahos and nakwakwosis (see Plate XXX), for 
the offering at the spring in the afternoon. He probably makes the 
usual offerings for the sun too, but that was not specially noted as the 
]jreparations of special paraphernalia kept the observer fully occupied 
during the forenoon hours. When all these special objects are com- 
pleted the remaining vines are taken out ; any ears that may be on the 

1 See also the first footnote on page 45. 

- Similar head ornaments are worn by the flute players in the Flute ceremony and others. 



62 Field Museum of NaturaI History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

j^reeii stalks arc given to the older priestesses, and the refuse on the 
floor is swept up and carried out. 

Soon after the noon meal the priestess, occupying the place No. 8 
in the ceremonies, places the medicine bowl in front of the altar, first 
making the six direction lines with meal and then putting the six ears 
of corn, their companions, small stones, etc., around it and a little 
quantity of powdered herb into a com -husk. 

While all this is going on in the kiva friends and relatives of the 
participants arc repainting and generally repairing the old marau- 
vahos ' that are to be used the next day (see Plate XVIII). Or when 
it is necessary new ones are made. On one occasion I noticed that 
the chief priest made some small black bahos in the kiva, that are 
attached to the upper end of the wide slabs. Later in the day the 
women bring these Marau-vahos or slabs into the kiva, where they 
are placed against the wall on the banquettes in the north end of the 
kiva. 

At about four o'clock in the afternoon the chief priest hands to two 
priestesses the usual prayer offerings and other objects again and sends 
them to two different springs after water to be used in the ceremony 
and dischanns them when they return, all in the same manner as has 
already been described under the notes of the fourth day. 

At about five o'clock p. m. the ceremony commences. It is essen- 
tiallv the same as that on the afternoon of the first day, only there 
are now more men and women present than on any pre\'ious day. 
On one occasion I counted thirty-two, including the ten leaders and 
a few small children. At about five o'clock the altar ceremony com- 
mences. No. 8 first sprinkles the meal line from the east side of the 
altar to the east side of the ladder, casting also a pinch towards the 
hatch-way. The chief priest then stands up and discharms the freshly 
]jut u]) altar by humming a song and sprinkling meal on a Ijuzzard 
feather and brushing it off six times. After he has spoken a brief 
prayer the singing commences. During the first song No. 8 rubs the 
four meal lines to the four kiva walls and throws a ]jinch of meal against 
one of the joists and another pinch on the floor. During the second 
song No. S s])rinkles some powder of crushed berries along the ears of 
corn and llien ]mt the corn-ears and their " husl^ands " (the old aspergills, 
that lie 1)>' tlieir side) into the medicine bowl on end, and pours the 
water, that was gotten in the netted gourd vessels from two springs 
b\- the two ])riestesses, o^•er these objects into tlie l)owl and then re- 
I^laces them. Wliile the Ihiiul so)ii^ is chanted No. 7 sprinkles a pinch 
of corn -pollen along I lie corn-ear on the north side and into the bowl 

' 111 conipouini words the b in baho is clianged to v. 



PL. XXI. 

A. The Archers emerging from the kiva to go to the dance plaza. 

B. The same returning to the kiva. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXI. 




FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXII. 









PL. XXII. 

A. The Lancers leaving the kiva for the plaza. 

B. The same at work with the lances and wheels. 



Feb., 1912. Thp: Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 63 

and then bends forward in a kneeling position and whistles through 
a bone whistle into the medicine bowl (see Plate IX, b). This she 
repeats for all the other directions. During the fourth song No. 3 dips 
the north corn-ear and its husband into the liquid in the medicine bowl 
and asperges towards the altar. She also repeats this with the re- 
maining five directions. While the fifth song is being sung No. 2 takes 
the two small bow^ sticks from the west side of the altar, No. 10 those 
from the east side, No. 7 the two sticks with the grass wheel from the 
figurines on the west side, and No. 9 those from the east side figurine, 
and all beat time with these objects by striking them endwise on the 
floor. At the sixth song all throw a pinch of meal towards the altar 
six times. While the women chant the seventh song the chief priest 
takes a pinch of honey into his mouth and then blows smoke from his 
cloud blower over the altar. 

Nine songs then follow during which no special rites take place, 
except sprinkling of the liquid from the medicine bowl with an aspergill, 
by No. 8, at the end of each song. During the seventeenth song the 
waving of a stick from the altar by No. i is gone through again as on 
the first day. In fact, the entire altar ceremony of this day is an exact 
repetition of that of the first day. On other days only sixteen songs 
are chanted, the one during which the meal lines on the walls are made 
at the beginning of the ceremony being omitted. After these altar 
rites arc concluded in the usual way by a brief prayer by the chief 
priest, responses and sprinkling of meal by all the rest, there is a recess, 
during which the men smoke, the women rest or go to their houses. 

At about six o'clock the chief priestess takes one of the bunches of 
feathers that forms the natsi in her right hand, an ear of corn in her 
left. Her assistant takes a tray with sacred meal and, being followed 
by most of the other women, each of whom have an ear of corn, they 
proceed to the plaza where the public performances are to take place 
the following day. Here some prayer-meal is sprinkled towards the 
small shrine by the assistant priestess and all then go through the 
same kind of a dance as they perfomi the next day, waving the anns 
and the ears of corn in the same manner as they wave the large Marau 
slabs on the succeeding day. 

When they return to the kiva the evening meal is eaten in the kiva 
by all participants. 

The proceedings from the evening meal until about two-thirty o'clock 
in the night have not been observed, but from infomiation, which I 
believe to be reliable, I infer, that the same ceremonies inside and out- 
side of the kiva took place as during the night between the fourth and 
fifth day of this and the winter ceremony (see pages 31 and 56). 



()4 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

Ninth Day (Nalosh tala, Fourth Day).^ 

This da\-"s proceedings ha\'c been observed as already stated, 
from aljout 2:30 in the morning only. The altar ceremonies having 
been concluded, the altar paraphernalia are wrapped up in bundles 
at about that time and taken out by the chief priest to the ancestral 
home of the Lizard clan where they are put away in one of the inner 
rooms which is almost entirely dark. On one occasion I noticed No. i 
taking out her netted gourd vessel at about this time, but she probably 
only took it to her house. Svids of crushed yucca roots are now 
prepared in different bowls by the women, and a general washing of the 
corn-ear mothers and of the heads of all present takes place. Some 
wash their own heads. Those who ha\'c brought in novices for initia- 
tion during the ceremony wash the heads of the latter, and the chief 
Ijriestess then sprinkles with the old aspergill a little water froin the 
inedicine bowl on the head of every novice." vSome of the women 
wave their corn-ear mothers towards them and ex]jress a good wish 
or benediction. 

Soon some women take the four p\Tamid-shapcd headdresses that 
were prepared on the previous day to the Blue Flute kiva where the 
four women, who are to act as the so-called Marau-Takas (Marau- 
Men), are ]3utting on their paint and getting their costumes ready. 
The two long sticks and the two wheels which two of the women use 
later in the day, the bows and arrows, and the bundle of vines tied up 
the day loefore, are placed near the fire-place. I was told that the old 
buckskin which is wra])ped around those wheels, was cut from the 
clothing of slain enemies long ago.^ The men who have attended to 
the fire dviring the ceremony, clean out the fire-place. First, however, 
one of them takes out a burning stick, places it on a trail about twelve 
yards south-east of the kiva and sprinkles a pinch of corn-meal on it. 
Returning into the kiva he throws a little sweet-com-meal on the 
fire-place. He then takes out the embers and ashes and deposits 
them a short distance west of the kiva and with it a nakwakwosi. One 
of the men then builds a new fire. 

Meantime about twenty young men have gone to the corn-fields 
in the valle\' and shortly before sunrise l:)ring to the kiva bunches of 

' Also called Tikivcc (Dance) because the public dance takes place on this day. 

- This "baptizing" of novices I have also noticed at the initiation into the Powamu fraternity 
(See my paper on "The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony," page 102). Whether this is an original Hopi 
rite or perhaps adopted from early Spanish missionaries, might be a question. The Hopi priests, of 
course, disavow the latter, and in my opinion it is highly improbable that they would have adopted 
religious rites of this nature from a people whom they considered and treated as enemies. 

' I have been told the same concerning the rolls on some old bandoliers. (See also ' 'The Oraibi 
Soyal C^eremony," pages 22, footnote, and 23 by Dorsey and Voth). 



PL. XXIII. 

A. The two Archers carrying meal to the plaza. 

B, The same, forming food balls. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXHI. 





FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIV. 




PL. XXIV. 

The two Lancers returning from the plaza to the kiva. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXV. 




PL. XXV. 
The Wand priestess leaving the dance circle to return to the kiva. 



Feb., 1912. The Okaibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 05 

corn-stalks with the younj^ cars on them. Several women receive them 
at the kiva and place the stalks, with many askawalis (thanks), against 
the kiva. 

At about six o'clock the chief priest takes down the natsi and on one 
occasion one of the women brought into the kiva a bowl with water 
and a dark powder (called muit sikwiata) for use, I think, in the final 
dischanning rite. 

While all this is going on, more women have been c(jming into the 
kiva wearing their white ceremonial blankets (with red and dark blue 
borders on two sides), their faces daubed with sacred meal. 

The chief priest now places the medicine bowl and the six ears 
of com near the sticks, bows, etc., north of the fire-place, and he and 
the other men squat down around the fire-place. Usually there are 
about six men in the kiva by this time. They wait until the women 
have all come in. The latter then arrange themselves in an oblong 
circle, the chief priestess standing east of the ladder, and then the 
corn-stalks are handed in; two women are outside, two on the ladder 
and one hands a bunch to each woman, who holds it with the stub 
end resting on the floor. The women have in the meantime com- 
inenced to sing and the men smoke. The chief priest gives to each 
woman a pinch of meal and sprinkles them with water from the medi- 
cine bowl. When the corn has been distributed, the five Marau-Takas 
come over from the Flute kiva and take a position west of the fire-place 
within the circle, formed by the other women. Each wear a man's 
blue woolen shirt, such as now are worn usually in ceremonies only. 
The first in the line wears on her back the ikwilna or green shield 
described on a previous page. On her head she wears the lan-kopa- 
choki described in the notes of the eighth day. She also wears a man's 
ceremonial kilt and sash, from which is suspended behind a fox skin; 
man's ankle bands, a woman's belt, many beads, etc. In her left hand 
she carries the wand with the horse-mane fringes, nothing in her right 
hand, but from the wrist is also suspended a fox skin. 

Next in the line are the two archers to whom are handed the bows 
and arrows and the bundle of vines, the wrist protectors having been 
put on their wrists before. Then follow the two lancers to whom the 
two long sticks, which in all probability represent lances, and the two 
rings are handed by the man who prepared the bows, arrows, etc., and 
who also thrusts an ear of com behind the belt on the back of each 
woman. These four women also wear a blue shirt, sash, kilt, w^oman's 
belt, fox skin, beads, etc., but on the head they wear the pyramid- 
shaped headdresses (Marau-vitanaksi). All five have a black line 
painted around the legs right above the knee, another one around the 



66 Fill. I) Mi'SKi'M OF Natural Hisiory — Anth., Vol. XI. 

thi.i^di, ihc Iwo circles beinj.^ connected l)y fotn* black lines. The lower 
])art of the le^s and the fore-arms and the face are painted bright yellow. 
The chief priest and one of the other men now asperge all the women 
from the medicine bowl and then the women file out of the kiva to 
the public plaza, the chief priestess heading the line; Pungnyanomsi, 
who is No. I in the altar ceremonies, being the second. In a few 
minutes the five Marau-Takas follow the priestess with the wand (see 
Plate XIX), who heads the dancers on the plaza, holding the lower 
end of the wand in her left hand and leaning it backward in her bent 
ami (see Plate XX, a), which she mo\'es to the time of the singing. 
The dancers have in the meantime thrown a part of the corn-stalks 
on the ground within the dance circle, keeping a few stalks in their 
hands and waving them to the time of the singing (see Plate XX, b). 
The two Archers have by this time arrived from the kiva (see Plate XXI) , 
throwing the bundle of vines, of which mention has already been made 
several times, a short distance before them on the ground and shooting 
their arrows at it. In this manner they make their way towards, 
around, and finally into the circle. The two Lancers follow them (see 
Plate XXII, a) to the plaza where they are going through the same 
performance as the two Archers, throwing the two wheels before them, 
and when they have come to within a few yards of the wheels they cast 
the sticks tow^ards them, pick the objects up (see Plate XXII) and 
keep repeating this; when they have also worked their way to the circle, 
they throw the sticks and w^heels over the heads of the dancers into 
the circle and leave them there on the ground. They then proceed to 
a house near by.^ Here a woman hands to one a bowd with sweet-corn- 
meal and to the other a bowl of water which they carry inside the dance 
circle (see Plate XXIII, a). There they kneel on opposite sides of the 
bowls, pour the water on the meal and make a dough (see Plate XXIII, 
b). Of this dough they fomi balls, about the size of a duck egg. When 
all the dough has been formed into balls the two women go around 
inside of the circle and throw the balls over the heads of the dancers 
among the spectators, who run, scramble, and wrangle for them from 
all sides. In the throwing of the balls the two archers participate, 
whereujwn the>' leave through a street east of the plaza (see Plate 
XXIV), while the Lancers leave through another one. west of the ])laza. 
The man who ])rei)ared the l)ows and arrows on the ])rcvious days 
gathers U]) the arrows, and, I think, hands t:hem to the archers. When 
these leave, the woman with thc> wand also leaves (see Plate XX\'). 
She, as well as the four other Marau-'i'akas, disrobe in the Flute kiva 
and then proceed in their usual ganncnts to the Marau kiva. A 

" 1 On the occasions when I observed this ceremony this was the house of Lololumai. the village chief. 



PL. XXVI. 
The performance on the plaza. 





Jl 



PL. XXVII. 
The Rabbit Mother in full costume. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVII. 




FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVIII. 




PL. XXVIII, 

A. The women returning to the kiva. 

B. The Marau-vahos outside of the kiva between the performances on the 
plaza. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 67 

few minutes after these have left, the dancers throw their corn-stalks 
on the ground and also repair to the kiva, the chief priestess walking 
at the head of the line. The stalks are eagerly picked up by the crowd 
of spectators. 

While the dance is in progress one of the men in the kiva takes out 
the medicine bowl and empties the contents on the pile of sand that 
had formed the altar ridge. One takes the tray with sweet-com-meal 
out. Another man has brought in a dry juniper twig to be used later 
in a purification ceremony. 

When all the women have returned to the kiva, each one takes a 
pinch of ashes from the fire-place. The chief priest, chief priestess 
and her assistant hold the ashes between the thumb and index finger 
of the right hand and then hum a song, waving the left hand up and 
down to the time of the singing. At the end of each of the four stanzas 
of the song all circle the hand with the ashes in front of them, throw 
it toward the hatch-way, and then spurt in different directions. One 
of the men then throws the dry juniper (or cedar?) twig on the fire; 
the smoke is supposed to purify the kiva and everything in it. All 
dip their fingers into a liquid which is standing in a bowl on the floor, 
suck the fingers and then crowd towards the fire-place so that the smoke 
goes over their bodies as much as possible. This they also do with 
the blankets, , sheepskins, etc., that have been used as bedding during 
the ceremony. Finally all rub their bodies and limbs, spurting into 
their hands first and with that the purification ceremony is concluded. 
All then go to their houses for the morning meal. The chief priest 
and priestess take out what may be left yet of the objects used in the 
ceremony. Only the corn-cone (see Plate XIII), prepared by the 
women on the fourth day, remains. 

After breakfast the performances on the plaza are resumed (see 
Plate XXVI). About eight performances usually take place during 
the day. They are essentially the same as the one in the morning, 
only the women use their Marau-vahos, or slabs, instead of corn-stalks 
(see Plates XVIII and XXVIII, b). Every woman has one slab in 
each hand. These she holds by the short handle at the lower end, the 
decorated side forward, and waves them up and down and from side 
to side to the time of the singing. The performance is not so much a 
dance as a procession, the women moving slowly sideways from right 
to left. A small gap is usually left in the circle at the place where the 
priestess with the wand has her position for the Marau-Takas to pass 
through (see Plate XXVI). 

The women, acting as Marau-Takas, usually change for each 
performance; now and then some will act in several performances. I 



68 Imii.i) MrsKUM of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

noticed Uiat it was sometimes not easy to get volunteers for this part 
of the ceremony on account of them being obliged to expose their limbs 
more or less. While the men arc almost entirely nude in all ceremonies, 
I have never known a woman to expose her body or limbs more than 
the Marau-Takas do on this occasion, nor have I heard of any rite or 
ceremony where the Hopi women or priestesses are obliged to sacrifice 
their sense of modest\' and propriety. 

On the ninth day of the ceremony of igoi I noticed a marked 
dex'iation from the usage in the ceremonies of other years. The Wand 
priestess received a different costume soon after the morning meal. 
Instead of the blossom headdress mentioned under the notes of the 
eighth day she put on the one with the two flaps or ears that was also 
jDrepared on the eighth day, as previously described. The four reed 
squares, also described there, she wore in the fomi of bandoleers, two 
over each shoulder. Then she was almost literally covered with the 
vines and young corn-stalks that had been fastened to strings on the 
previous afternoon. Her face, foreamis and the lower part of her 
legs were daubed grayish white. The blue shirt, kilt, sash, woman's 
belt, anklets, moccasins, etc., she wore as usual. In addition to the 
wand she carried a corn-stalk with a green ear of corn on it (see Plates 
XX\'II and XXIX, b).^ Whether the two Archers appeared in any 
other perfonnance except the one before the morning meal I am unable 
to sav. My notes only mention them in connection with that one 
])erformance while they do mention the two Lancers repeatedly. 

Between the different dances the women retvirned to the kiva (see 
Plate XXVIII, a) leaving the marau-slabs outside (see Plate XXVIII, 
b). On one occasion I noticed that the meal -balls were not made on 
the plaza but were brought there already prepared by a woman. Occa- 
sionally the Rabbit Mother joins the dances in the circle (see Plate 
XXIX), in the same manner as the Wand-Woman. 

In the afternoon the pul)lic jjcrfomiances are sometimes not as 
elaborate as in the first part of the day. Not all the members parti- 
cipate, some being detained l)y household duties, other by their small 
children, etc. I have even noticed the Wand-Woman and the Marau- 
Takas remain away from some of these dances, later in the day. They 
seem to be of a less serious nature than the earlier ones. The songs 
sometimes seem to be of a humorous kind and frequently cause hilarity 
and laughtt'r among the spectators. In the last performance, how- 
ever, generally all i)articipate, although that, too, seems to be more for 
the entertaintiient of the crowd. 

Tlie liurdcnsotne costume of the "Rabbit Mother" was taken off 

' This ijersonagu was said to be called "Rabbit Mother" or "Rabbit Woman." 



PL. XXIX. 

A. The Rabbit Woman in the circle. 

B. The same, showing the corn-stalk. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIX. 




PL. XXX. Various Ceremonial Objects. 

A. Arrows used by the Archers. 

B. Hawk feather nakwakwosis. 

C. Turkey feather nakwakwosis. 

D. Tiponi, the palladium of the chief priest and chief priestess. 

E. Sparrow hawk feathers tied to sticks; were used in the Marau natsi. 

F. A common baho. 

G. A single black baho (chochokpi). 
H. A sun baho. 

I. A road (puhu, or puhtawi). 

K. Yucca leaf wheel, used in initiations. 



PL. XXXI. Dismantling the Rabbit Woman. 

A. Taking off the costume. 

B. Removing the headdress. 



PL. XXXII. The Pookong Shrine. 

A. Exterior view. (The figurines were taken out for the purpose of photo- 
graphing. Otherwise they are never taken out.) 

B. Interior view, showing the Pookongs (war deities) in their regular position 
and also many reed arrows with wooden points, that were used in preceding cere- 
monies. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 69 

outside of the kiva, late in the afternoon (see Plate XXXI). After 
the last performance all take their marau-vahos (slabs) into the kiva 
and then rest on the banquettes. 

The eight arrows are taken to the Pookong kihu (shrine of the War 
God), north of Oraibi (see Plate XXXII). 

One of the last acts of the entire ceremony, as far as I could as- 
certain, is the breaking up of the corn-cone, that is prepared by several 
women on the fourth day. Every woman receives a small piece of 
the cone with a few grains of corn in it. This they hold in one hand, 
covering it with the other hand for a few minutes in deep silence, per- 
haps uttering a silent prayer. They take this with them to their homes. 

In conclusion I might state that, in going through my notes again, 
I realize more than ever how many details about the Hopi ceremonies 
remain to be studied yet. And I hope that some one may be able to 
secure what is lacking in our knowledge of the complicated, rich Hopi 
ceremoniology, though the opportunities for this are far less favorable 
now than they were some years ago. 

SONGS CHANTED IN THE ALTAR CEREMONIES. 



INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 

The following songs do not constitute the entire number that are 
sung, the third and the last four not having been obtained. When 
Wickwaya alone dictated and sang these for me towards the end of 
my stay in Oraibi we did not get through, and my hope to get the 
rest of the songs was never realized. Like very many of the songs 
of the regular Hopi ceremonies a number of the Marau songs either 
contain words and forms that are no longer in every-day use or they 
are entirely in another language than the Hopi, probably having been 
borrowed from the Pueblo of New Mexico. Hence the translation 
of these songs is not claimed to be perfect and in some cases is frag- 
mentary. Hopi songs usually contain only a few words at the best, 
a large part of the lines being filled out by repeating and dragging 
out certain syllables or ejaculations ad libitum. Where this is the 
case these parts of the different stanzas of a song have not been fully 
written out every time, reference being made to the first verse. It 
will be noticed that these repetitions are not exactly alike in the differ- 
ent verses of a song. Everything being a matter of oral tradition and 
memory, it may easily be understood that small variations would occur, 
a fact which I have noticed very frequently in the different ceremonies. 

The numbers in the songs refer to corresponding numbers in the 
explanation at the end of the song. 



JO l-^iKi.u Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

I. 

Ki-TAwi (House song). 
This song is sung at the beginning of the ceremony when the four 
meal lines, which are called kihu (house), are rubbed against the four 
kiva walls. 

Prelude. 
Inahanahainahai! My father! 

Inahanahainahai! My father! 

Inahaaanahi nahahahai! . Aiy father! 
Inahaaaanahai nahahahai! My father! 

1. To the north. 
Sluihkwiniaqo nayawunaa.' Just north, nayawuna. 
Nayawunayee ki. House of nayawuna. 
Ikihi tohokinahainahai.- My house is marked (?). 
Inahaaa nahainahaihaihai! My father! 
Inahaaanaa inahahailiai ! M\- father! 

2. To the west. 
Shuhtawangqo choromiim-oa.^ Just west turquoise. 
Clioromumayee ki. House of turquoise. 
Ikihi tohokinahainahai. My house is marked (?). 
Inahaaa nahahahai! My father! 

Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! My father! 

3. To the south. 
Shuhtatyaqo aiwana.'* Just south aiwunga. 

Shaatcinayee ki.- House of shaatcina. 

Ikihi tohokinahainahai. My house is marked (?). 

Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! My father ! 

Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! My father! 

4. To the east. 
Shuhopaqo talanak-oa.'' Just cast clear stone. 

Wawunayee ki." House of wawuna. 

Ikihi toho kinahaiiialiai. My hou.se is marked. 

Inahaaa nahainahahai! My father! 

Inahaaa nahainahahahai! My father! 

5. To the nortli-east (above). 
Shuongaqo tokila-oa.*^ Just above dark rock. 

Waawunayee ki. IIoust> of wawuna. 

Ikihi tohokinaliaiiialiai. My house is marked. 

Inahaaa nahainahaiahai ! My father! 

Inaaa nahainahaliahai! Mv father! 



PL. XXXIII. 

The Marau altar in the Field Museum of Natural History. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY. 



ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIII. 




Feb., iyi2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 71 

6. To the south-west (below). 

Shuatyaqo pavon-oa.^ Just below pavono rock. 

Waawunayee ki. House of wawanua.^" 

Ikihi tohokinahainahai. My house is marked (?). 

Inahaaa nahainahaiahai ! My father! 

Inahaaa nahainahahahai ! My father! 

Explanation. 

"• Old name of a stone found somewhere north of Oraibi, which is 
said to be of a whitish-yellow color, the color of the north. ^ I am not 
certain about the meaning of this word. ^ Undoubtedly an archaic 
form for choshposhi (turquoise); green is the ceremonial color for the 
west. ^ Claimed to be archaic name for abalone shell. This is usually 
mentioned in Hopi songs in the fifth stanza (above) , the color for which 
is black. Why it is mentioned here in the third stanza I cannot say. 
^ Claimed to be an archaic name for pink shells and beads. This name 
is also mentioned in connection with the east in other songs, for instance 
in one of the Powamu songs (see Oraibi Powamu Ceremony, page 133). 
^ The word talanak, evidently from palangkpu, red, (the color of the 
south) is used in this stanza for the east. It is possible that I mis- 
understood Wickwaya and that this should be palanak. In that case, 
however, it would seem that he made a mistake in using the red color 
for the stanza to the east. Talanak, if translated "clear," would 
give the proper color for the east, namely white; tala, (clear, light, 
bright) sometimes representing white in the Hopi. "^ Archaic name for 
a pinkish stone (or shell) of which sometimes beads are said to be made. 
It would seem that this term should have been used in the third stanza 
instead of aiwanga. Others claim that shaatcina is the name (archaic) 
for the pink beads (see note 5, above). The fact that wawuna is used 
in the fifth and sixth stanzas also, is evidently an error on the part of 
my informant. It seems that in the process of oral transmission, at 
least the designation of the different stones (or shells) for the proper 
directions has been hopelessly mixed up (compare also the third song 
and notes on pages 133 and 135 of my "Oraibi Powamu Ceremony"). 
^ Tokila, ineaning night, stands here for dark. ^ I am not sure about 
the meaning of pav6n-oa, but believe, that the literal meaning is beaut- 
iful, especially in various colors. '"Meaning not known. 



72 FiKLD Museum of Natural History — ^Anth., Vol. XI. 

II. 

Ki v-Taavi (Water-song) or Makwan-Tawi (Asperging song). 

Durinf]; this, the second, son*^^ tlu' cars of corn and tlieir companions 
arc held into the medicine bowl, the water from the j2;ourd vessels 
poured over them and then the priestess asperges with them. 

Prelude. 

Vahaspolaina,' Yas]K)laina, 

\'aaspohoohooholaiaina , Yasj )olaina , 

Yaspoholahaina , Yas] jolaina , 

Yaaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina , 

Yaas])oholahainahahahai. Yaspolaina. 



I. To the north. 



Koowi>'aiihisha, 

Haaahataihaya, 

Yooohotohomi, 

Yaspoohahaina , 

Yaaspoholahaina, 

Yaaspoholahainaha. 



Kowiyaisha, 

Haataiya, 

Yootomi, 

Yaspolaina, 

Yaspolaina, 

Yaspolaina. 



2. To the west. 



Wunniyaiihisha, 
Shayahashtohosha , 
Taaahaichohaya , 
Yaspoholahaina , 
Yaasjjoholahaina , 



Wuniyaisha, 

Shayashtosha, 

Taichoya. 

Yaspolaina, 

Yaspolaina, 



Yaaspoholahainahahahai . Yas])olaina . 



3. To the south. 

iicfore this stanza the ])rclud(;' is chanted a,ij;ain. 

Nunkiiyaisha, Nukiyaisha, 

Kaahahaowihili , Kaowili , 

Maaahapehevochi, Maapewochi , 

Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahaina, Yas])olaina , 

Yaaspoholahainahahahai . Yas]jolaina . 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 



73 



4. To the east. 



Haaniyahisha, 
Shoowahakahiya , 
Shoo wahatihiya , 
Yaspoholahaina , 
Yaaspoholahaina , 



Haniyaisha, 

Showakaiya, 

ShowaHya, 

Yaspolania, 

Yaspolania, 



Yaaspoholahainahahahai. Yaspolania. 

5. To the north-east (above). 

Here the prelude is repeated. 

Tounihiyihaisha, Toniyaisha, 

Haaaatahaya, Haataya, 

Yooohotohomi, Yootomi, 

Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, 

Yaaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, " 

Yaaspoholahainaahahai. Yaspolaina. 

6. To the south-west (below). 

Wayahaahanu, Wayanu, 

Shoohohotihiki, Shotiki, 

Taaaaichohoya, Taichoya, 

Yaspoholahaina, Yaspolaina, 

Yaspoholahainaahaha , Yaspolaina , 

Yaspolaina, Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoohooholahaina, Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoolahaina, Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoolahana, Yaspolaina, 

Yaspohoolahainahahahai , Yaspolaina . 



Explanation. 

^ All the words in this entire song are either archaic or, what is 
more likely, in a foreign language, the song having been introduced 
from the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. The words in the first lines 
of the six verses, I infer from analogy, indicate the usual six ceremonial 
directions as follows: 

First stanza: kowiya, north. 

Second stanza: wuniya, west. 

Third stanza: nukiya, south. 

Fourth stanza: haniya, east. 

Fifth stanza: toniya, above. 

Sixth stanza: wavana, below. 



74 Fii.i.i) Mi'SF.UM OF Natural History — Antii., Vol. XI. 

Anolhcr old Hopi from anotlier village gave me the following names: 
Totiya, north. 
Wuniya, west. 
Kowi>'a, south. 
Haniya, east. 
Toniya, above. 
Nukiya, below. 

- Where a song has a prelude this is sometimes repeated before some 
l3Ut seldom before all verses. 

IV. 
Makwan-tawi (Asperging song). 
During this song one of the priestesses dips the ears of eorn and 
their companions, that lie around the medicine bowl, into the bowl and 
asperges with them. 

Prelude. 
Hanapana waomi, 
Shi washi , 

Kawawaa nahahai ; 
Hanapana waomi, 
Shiwashi, 
, Kawawaa nahahakai. 

I. To the north. 
Hanapana waomi, 
Kochuni- naahai, 
Kooi ahaahai. 

2. To the west. 
Hanapana waomi, 
Maliya naahai, 
Kooi ahahahai. 

3. To the south. 

Ilanajjana waomi, 

Shiwashi, 

Kawawaa nahahahai ; 

liana] )ana waomi, 

Shiwaslii, 

Kawawaa nahahahai. 

1 lana])ana waomi, 

Kukana naahai, 

Kooi ahahahai. 



-Rei)etition of prelude.'' 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 75 

4. To the east. 

Hanapana waomi, 
Kochuni naahai, 
Kooi ahahahai. 



Hanapana waomi, 
Shiwashi, 

Kawawaa nahahahai ; 
Hanapana waomi, 
Kawawaa nahahahai. 



5. To the north-east (above). 

Repetition of prelude. 



Hanapana waomi, 
Komaa naahai, 
Kooi ahahahai. 

6. To the south-west (below). 

Hanapana waomi, 
Pinaa naahai, 
Kooi ahahahai. 

Postlude. 
Hanapana wawaishi, 
Kawawaa nahahahahai, 
Hanapana wawaishi, 
Kawawaa nahahahai. 

Explanation. 

^ The words of the song are archaic and no explanation of their 
meaning could thus far be obtained. - This word also occtirs in the 
fourth stanza in the same line. One is probably an error. While 
such errors would perhaps occur seldom in the regular ceremony, 
where more than one sing, I had to call Wickwaya's attention a num- 
ber of times to mistakes of this kind, when he sang for me alone, and 
often had to repeat again and again certain lines or verses by which he, 
not infrequently, became confused. ^ It has already been noted in 
connection with another song that where a song has a prelude this is 
sometimes repeated, usually before the third and fifth stanza. 



Archaic or foreign. 
A'Icanin<r not known. 



■j(i FiKi.n MusKU.M OF Natural History — Antil. Vor.. XI. 

V. 

Way tawi (Calling song). 
Four priestesses \va\'c various ol)iects towards and into the bowl 
and aspcrgc with them. 

I. To the n(M-th. 
Hayahahaya hayahahaya, 
Hayahaayahahahai , 
Omunakaito shiyano, 
Yowakaito shanihi}'ahahahahai . 
This stanza is repeated for the west, south, east, north-east and 
.south-west. 

VI. 
PChtap-tawi (Road marking song). 
Sixth .song in the altar ceremony where all cast meal towards the 
altar. 

Prelude. 
Shiyaiahaoaaga , 
Shohoshehoy aina . 
Ahaohaayahahahai ; 
Shiyaiahaohaaya, 
Shohoshchoyaina , 
Ahaohaayahahahai , 
Shiyainawashehoyainaawo. 

I. To the north. 

Shohoscho\-aina, 

Ahaohaayahahahai , 

Shiyaiahaohaaya ; 

Shohoshchoyaina , 

Ahaohaayahahahai, 

Shi\'ainawashcho\'ainaawo. 
This stanza is repeated five times, namely for the west, south, 
east, north-east (al)ove) and south-west (below), and tlien follows the 
following postlude : 

Shohoshchoyaina, 

Ahaohaa\'ahahahai ; 

Shiyaiahaohaaya, 

Shohoshchoyainaa , 

Ahaohaawihaliahai . 

I'^xplanation. 

'i"he w(jrds are archaic or foreign and no longer understood. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 



77 



VII. 
Omaw tawi (Cloud Song). 
The chief priest blows smoke from the cloud-blower. 

Prelude. 

Hayahaya haheyayahi !> Haya (a call to the clouds) ! 
Angqohi kuiwa! Come, loom up! 

Angqohi kuiwa! Come, loom up! 

Tokwunahaangw mungwitu, Towering cloud deities, 
Tokwunahaangw manatu, Towering cloud maidens, 
Haya ! 

I. To the north. 

Haaaaashiihiotoo! Yes, that's it! 

Haaaashiihiotoo ! That's it ! 

P^wi umahana ! Come you here ! 

Vihichangwaya omato, Beautifully decorated, get them,- 

Haya ! Haya ! (an exclamation) ! 

This stanza is repeated for the west, south, east, above and below 
with the prelude before the third and fifth verses and also as a postlude. 

Explanation. 

^ A call to the cloud deities. - Probably the prayer offerings. 

yiii. 

Hao inguu (My mother). 
During this song only chann liquid is asperged. 



Haowhaow, inguuu. 

To wanashabee , ^ 

Takuri-kao, inguu! 

Utumu namaa, 

Akwiniwii asika iola.^ 

Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi , 

Hapi yeyepe umungem-pasiohti 

Nayawun ^ hoputa,'* 
Pasiohti.^ 



To the north. 

Hao, my mother. 
At Towanashabe, 
Yellow corn-ear, my mother! 
Let us go together, 
North (the) yellow iola. 
The children, call them. 
Now here for you (this is) per- 
formed. 
Yellowish mineral hoputa, 
(This is) performed. 



yS Fii.i.u MrsiaM of Xatlrai. History — Antii., Vol. XI. 



2. To the west. 



Haowhaow. ini^iuui. 

Towaiiashabcc, 

Sakwapu-kao, inguul 

Utumvi namaa, 

Ilatawanj^e sakwa iola. 

Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, 

Ha]:)i ycycpc umungcm pasiohti, 

Choromum '' hoputa, 

Pasiohti. 



Hao, my mother, 

At Towanashabe, 

Green corn-ear, my mother I 

Let us go together, 

West (the) bhie ioki. 

The children, call them, 

Now here for you (it is celebrated), 

Green car pendants hoputa. 

This is pcrfonned. 



To the south. 



Haowhaow, inguuu, 

Towanashabee, 

Pawala-kao, inguul 

Utumu namaa, 

Atatatoo pala iola. 

Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, 

Hai)i yeyepe umungem ])asiohti. 



Talanak ' ho])uta, 
Pasiohti. 



Hao, m\' mother, 

At Towanashabe, 

Red corn-ear, my mother! 

Let us go together, 

South South (the) read iola. 

The children, call them. 

Now here for you this is 

f onned . 
Red niincral hoputa. 
This is ])crfonncd. 



per- 



4. To the east. 



Haowhaow, inguuu, 

Towanashabee, 

Qoyawi-kao, inguul 

Uutumu namaa, 

Ahopoo qotca iola. 

Hatimvi>-u, huwawayiiihi, 

Hapi yeyepe umungcm i)asiohti. 

Shaatcin ~^ lic)])uta, 
Pasiohti. 



Hao, my mother, 
At Towanashabe, 
White corn-ear, my mother! 
Let us go together, 
East (the) white iola. 
The children, call them. 
Now here for you (this is pcr- 
fonned). 
White mineral ho]nita, 
This is performed. 



5. To the north-east (abo\-e). 

Haowhaow, inguuu, Hao, m\- mother. 

Towanashabee, At Towanashabe, 

Kokoma-kao, inguu! Black corn-car, my mother! 

Ututumu namaa. Let us go together, 

Haomii hakoma iola. Above (the) dark iola. 

Hatimuvu, Inuvawaviilii, The ohildern, call them, 



Feb., IQI2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 



79 



Hapi yeyepe umungcni pasiohti. 



Tokil ^ hoputa, 
Pasiohti. 



Haowhaw inguuuu, 
Towanashabee, 
Tawakchi-kao, inguul 
Utuniu naniaa, 
At y ami imasi iola. 
Hatimuyu, huwawayiiihi, 
Hapi yeyepi uniungem pasiohti. 

Maasi hopvita/° 
Pasiohti. 



Now here for you (this is per- 
formed). 
The black hoputa, 
This is perfomicd. 

To the south-west (below). 

Hao, my mother, 
At Towanashabe, 
Sweet corn-ear, my mother! 
Let us go together, 
Below (the) mixed colors iola. 
The children, call them, 
Now here for you (this is per- 
formed) . 
The mixed (gray) hoputa, 
(This is) perfonned. 



Postlude. 
Hawhowinguuuuu . 

Explanation. 

^ A place a few miles south of Oraibi where some of the Hopi clans, 
chiefly the Honani (Badger), is said to have lived. The Hopi also 
speak of a Towanashabe somewhere atyaka, (below). 

- Iola is an archaic word. Corn and mother has been suggested 
by old priests as the probable meaning of it. I am inclined to believe 
that the first is correct. 

^ Nayawima, archaic name for yellowish white mineral that is used 
in songs for the north. 

^ The archaic word hoputa occurs also in other songs, but thus far 
its meaning could not be determined. As it is used in connection with 
the minerals, referred to in songs, it may mean stone or mineral. 

^ The fundamental meaning of pasiohti is "concluded," "con- 
summated,'' etc., but it also is used where it would convey the idea of 
"worship," "performance," "celebrate." In the translation of this 
song it is used in the latter sense, though it might also be correct to 
translate it: "finished," "concluded," etc., in the sense of "Amen." 

*^ In all probability refers to choshposhi (turquoise). 

^ See note 6, song I. 

^ See note 5, song I. 

^ "Tokili," "night," "dark" has here the meaning of black, the 
color of above. 



So FiKLi) MrsEUM OF Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 



^""Masi." For this and the previous direction (above) the words 
arc used that arc still in use, instead of archaic. While "masi" is 
frequently used for j^ra\- it has in ceremonies and songs the meaning of 
a mixture of all colors, not referred tt in regard to the other five direc- 
tions. Where corn is referred to, sweet-corn is mentioned for this 
direction (below). 

IX. 

WlYOTYANL 

Only asperging takes place during this song. 

Prelude. 



Wiyo wiyo wi\'o, 
Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 
Wihihihihivo. 



Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 
Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 
Wihihihihiyo. 

Hapi ayamo, 
Towanashabee , ' 
Takush-kao. 
Tomasi - inguu, 
Siko-anitu,'' 
Tawi-kwaa,'* 
Lani-kwaa,^ 
Nguman-ita.'"' 



\Vi\-() wiyo wiyo, 

\Vi\() wiyo wiyo, 

Wihiliiluliiyo. 

Hapi ayamo, 

Tcnvanashabee, 

Sakwap-kao. 

Tomasi inguu, 

Siko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa, 

Xguman-ita. 



Archaic or foreign; meaning not 
known. 



I. To the north. 



■ See above. 



Now then over yonder, 

At Towanashabe, 

Yellow corn-ear. 

Clan sister, my mother, 

Blossom-stick-anitu, 

Song-kwaa, 

Flutc-kwaa, 

Meal-ita. 



2. To the west. 



See aljo\'e. 

Now then o\-er yonder, 

At Towanashabe, 

Blue corn-ear. 

Clan sister, my mother, 

Blossom-stick anitu, 

Song-kwaa, 

Flutc-kwaa, 

Meal-ita. 



Feb., 1912. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 



Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 

Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 

Wihihihihiyo. 

Hapi ayanio. 

To wanashabee , 

Pawal-kao. 

Tomasi inguu, 

Siko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa, 

Ngumam-ita. 



3. To the south. 



- See above. 



Now then, over yonder. 

At Towanashabee, 

Red corn-ear. 

Clan sister, my mother, 

Blossom-stick anitu, 

Song-kwaa, 

Flute-kwaa, 

Meal-ita. 



Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 
Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 
Wihihihihiyo. 
Hapi ayamo, 
Ta wanashabee, 
Qoyap-kao. 
Tomasi inguu, 
. Siko-anitu, 
Tawi-kwaa, 
Lani-kwaa, 
Nguman-ita. 



4. To the east. 

1 



J 



\- See above. 

Now then, over yonder. 
At Towanashabee, 
White corn-ear. 
Clan sister, my mother, 
Blossom-stick anitu, 
Song-kwaa, 
Flute-kwaa, 
Meal-ita. 



5. To the north-east (above). 



Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 

Wiyo wiyo wiyo, 

Wihihihihiyo. 

Hapi ayamo, 

Towanashabee, 

Kokom-kao. 

Tomasi inguu, 

vSiko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa, 

Nguman-ita. 



See above. 

Now then, over yonder. 
At Towanashabee, 
Black corn-ear. 
Clan sister, my mother. 
Blossom-stick anitu, 
Song-kwaa, 
Flute-kwaa, 
Meal-ita. 



82 Field Museum of Xatural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 



6. To the 

Wiyo, wix'o, wiyo. 

Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, 

\Vihihihihi\'o. 

Hapi ayamo, 

Towanashabee, 

Tawakchi-kao. 

Tomasi inguu, 

Siko-anitu, 

Tawi-kwaa, 

Lani-kwaa , 

Nfruman-ita. 



J 



south-west (below). 



-See above. 

Now then, over yonder, 

At Towanashabee, 

Sweet-corn-ear. 

Clan sister, my mother. 

Blossom-stick anitu, 

vSong-kwaa, 

Flute-kwaa. 

Meal-ita. 



Postlude. 



Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, 
Wiyo, wiyo, wiyo, 
Wihihihihi\'o. 



Explanation. 



' See first song, explanation i. 

" From tomsi. A Hopi calls any female member of his clan itomsi, 
my clan sister or clan fellow. 

^ The last part of this word as well as that of the following lines is 
archaic and its meaning could not yet be determined. 

■* The last part of the word archaic and meaning not known. 

•'' The saine. 

'' The same. 



X. 



One of the priestesses aspergcs eharm licjuid. 



I. To the north. 

Yiio ' \'ao \'aayo yaayoho, 
Yao \'ao yaayo yaayoho, 
Yao yao yaa\'oho, 
Yao yao yaayoho. 
Hapi - china ■' x'aao \-aa\-oho, 
llapi china yaao yaa\'oho, 
Yao yao yaayoho, 
Yao vao vaa\'oho. 



Feb., iqi2. The Oraibi Marau Ceremony — Voth. 



83 



This stanza is repeated for the west, south, east, above and below, 
literally. Then this postlude follows: 
Yaao yaayayo y ay oho, 
Yao yao yaayo yaayoho, 
Yao yao yaayoho, 
Yao yao yaayoho. 

Explanation. 

^Archaic, but Wickwaya thought it was identical with "yaoi" or 
"Yoni," which are used when one is told something he has already 
heard, especially if it is a piece of new or interesting information. 
They are identical with such expressions as: "So, I hear;" "So I 
understand," "So they say," etc. This meaning of the word would 
hardly seem applicable here though. 

- Hapi. An ejaculation, like "Now, then!" "Well, then!" 
^Wickwaya claimed that "chinayu" was an old form for "chin- 
akni," (to) "spread out," "increase," etc. 



XI. 

IWIWINI. 

Asperging by one of the priestesses from the bowl. 



Prelude. 



Iwiwi i^^•iwii iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwi i\A'iwii iwiwika, 
Iwiwi wiwika wiwi, 
IwiAvika iwiwihihihi. 



Archaic or foreign. Meaning not 
known. 



I. To the north. 



Hahapi uhura,^ Towanashabee,- 
Takuri-kaao, tomasi^ inguu. 



Why, now, at Towanashabe, 
Yellow corn-ear, my clan fellow 
mother. 

Kwiniwii, tawamana-nakway ■* akwa. North, with oriole prayer feather. 

Timuvu wawavi, wawavi." The children call, call. 



Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. 



h Archaic or foreisin. 



S4 I-'ii;!.!) MisKi'M OF Natural History — Anth., Vol. XI. 

2. To tlic west. 



llahapi uhura. T()\vanaslial)ee, 
Sakwapu-kaao, tomasi ini^am. 

Tawanj^aa, choroyoy-nak\va\' 

ahakwaa. 
Trimuyu \vawa\-i, wa\va\-i. 
Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwihiliilii. 



Why, now, at Towanashabe, 
Blue coni-ear, my clan fellow 

mother. 
West, with lAuc bird prayer 

feather. 
Children call, call. 

Archaic. 



3. To the south. 
The ])relude is here chanted and then as follows:'' 



Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, 
Pawalaa-kao, tomasi inguu, 

Tatoo, karo-nakway akwa. 

Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. 
Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. 



Why, now, at Towanashabe. 
Red corn-ear, my clan fellow 

mother. 
South, with parrot prayer 

feather. 
Children call, call. 

Archaic. 



4. To the east. 
Here the ]jrehide is chanted and then as follows: 



Hahapi uhura, Towanashabee, 
Qoyawi-kaac) tomasi inj^mu. 

Hohojjo, posiw-nakwa_\' ahakwaa. 

Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. 
Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwiliiliilu'. 



Why, now at Towanashabe, 
White corn-car, my clan fell( )w 

mother. 
East, with maj^pie prayer 

feather. 
Children call, call. 

Archaic. 



5. '1^) the norih-east (above) 

First the ])relude again, and then 
Hahai)i uhura, Towanashabee, 
Kokoma-kaao, tcjmasi ingini. 
Ohomii, asi ^-nakwav ahakwaa. 



Timu\u wawayi, wawayi. 
Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. 



W]i\-, now, at Towanashabe, 
Block corn-ear, my mother. 
Al)ove, witli spanx>w jjrayer 

feather. 
Children call, call. 



Archaic, 



Feb., IQI2. The Uraibi AIarau Ceremony — ^ Voth. 



85 



6. To the south-west (below). 



Haha])! uhura, Towanashabee, 
Towokchi-kaao, tomasi inj::;uu. 



Why, now, at Towanashabe, 
Sweet-corn-ear, my clan fel- 
low mother. 
Ahat>-ami, toposhkwa-nakway akwa. Below, with warbler prayer 

feather. 
Timuyu wawayi, wawayi. Children call, call. 

Iwiwika iwiwi, | 



Iwiwika wiwiwdhihihi. 



-Archaic. 



Iwiwi iwiwiwi iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwi iwiwi iwiwika, 
Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, 
Iwiwika iwiwihihihi. 



Postlude. 



Archaic. 



Explanation. 

^ Hapi and ura are particles or exclamations which could not be 
literally translated. They somewhat correspond to the English 
"Why," "Why, now," "Well, now," or the Gennan "etc." „Wohlan," 
,,so," j,jetzt," etc. 

- See song VIII, explanation i. 

^ See song IX, explanation 2. 

■* From nakwa, meaning wish, prayer, but vised almost exclusively 
for the prayer feathers tied to the hair on top of the head by parti- 
cipants in ceremonies, or thrust into the top of cereinonial slabs, sticks, 
etc. 

'" An archaic form of wangwaiyi (to) call. Hence it cannot be 
determined what form of the verb this is which leaves the translation 
somewhat obscure. 

•^ See Explanation 2, Song II. 

^ This should undoubtedly be asya (the sparrow) , which is always 
used for above where birds are mentioned in songs. 



XII. 
Payatamuni. 

No other rite, except asperging, takes place during this song. 



86 Field Musklm ok Xatural History ~ 

1. To the north. 

Pa\alaaiini ' ])a\-alaamu j^ayataainu, 

Payataainu sliaaiio. 

Payalaamu payataamii payalamu, 

Payataamu Shaano. 

Ahakomishi Tawakomishi, 

TTalioshtavashta shaano. 



AxTii., Vol. XI. 



Archaic or foreign. 



Tliis verse is repeated in exactly the same way for the other five 
directions, and then the following: 

Postlude. 

Payatamu payataniu, 
Payatamu payatamu shaano. 
' Payatamvi ai)pears to be the name of a deity of the Puel^lo Indians 
of New Mexico. He is frequently represented by the Hopi as one of 
the Tcotskutu (Jesters or clowns) in connection with Katcina dancers. 



XIII. 

Payatamu halaivini, (fasl). 
As])erging from the medicine bowl only takes place during this song. 



Prelude. 



Pagataamu,' 
Shalololo kaanaa, 
Shimaolo shimaolo, 
Shimaolo maolo. 
Payatama, 
Shalololo kaanaa, 
Shimaolo shimaolo, 
Maoloshii maolo. 



I. To the north. 



K(jwiyaihisha,- 
Koomanishkoyana, 
Kaaowkayana, 
Shalololo kaanaa, 
Shimacjlo shimaolo, 
Shiimaolo. 



Feb., IQI2. Thk Oraiiu Marau Ceremony — Voth. 87 

2. To the west. 
Wuniyaihisha, 
Koonianishko yana , 
Kaaowkoyana, 
Shalololo kaanaa, 
vShimaolo, 
Shimaolo, 
Maoloshii maolo. 

3. To the south. 
Payatamu, 



Shalololo kaanao, 
Shimaolo shimaolo, 
Shimaolo Shiimaolo. 
Nuukiyaisha, 
Koomanishkoy ana , 
Kaaowkoyana, 
Shalololo kaanaa, 
Shimaolo Shimaolo. 



4. To the east. 

Haaniyaiisha, 
Koomanishkoyana , 
vShalololo kaanaa, 
Shimaolo Shimaolo, 
Maoloshii maolo. 

5. To the north-cast (above). 

Touniyaihisha, 
Koomanishkoyana, 
Kaaowkoyana, 
Shalololo kaanaa, 
Shimaolo shimaolo. 

6. To the south-west (below). 

Waayaahaani, 
Koomanishkoyana, 
Kaaowkoyana , 
Shimaolo shimaolo, 
Maolo Shiimaolo. 



Repetition of a part of the prelude. 
(See explanation for song.) 



88 FiKi.D Misi'.UM OK Xahral History Axtii., \'ol. XI. 

Explanation. 

* For the meaning,' of Payatamu sec Explanation i, ])revious son^^. 

- It will be noticed that the first words in each stanza are the only 
ones in which the six verses differ. They are kowiya, wuniya, nuukiya, 
haniya, touniya and waaya. The\-, as well as the other words in the 
song, are archaic and no reliable information about their meaning 
could be obtained beyond the fact that they refer to the six ceremonial 
cardinal points, north, west, south, east, above and below (see note i 
under the second song). In my opinion the words in this and the 
other songs and the entire songs that are not understood by the Hopi, 
are generally not archaic Hopi words or songs, but have been intro- 
duced from the Pueblo Indians on the Rio Grande. 



LbFe 13 



Field Museum of Natural History 

Publication 156 

Anthropological Series Vol. XI, No. i 



THE ORAIBI MARAU 
CEREMONY 



BY 



H. R. VOTH 



The Stanley McCormick Hopi Expedition 



George A. Dorsey 
Curator, Department of Anthropology 




i'-^^^OS^J'" 




Chicago, U. S. A. 

February, 191 2 



.J. ._ 



